UC-NRLF 


GIFT   OF 

-Bancroft 
LIBRARY 


- . 


THJB 


C 


HARTFORD 


BELKNAP&HA  M  E  R.  S  L  E.  Y 


THE 


BOOK  OF  THE  COLONIES; 


COMPRISING 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLONIES 


COMPOSING 


THE  UNITED  STATES, 


FROM 


THE  DISCOVERY  IN  THE  TENTH  CENTURY  UNTIL  THE   COMMENCEMENT 
OF  THE   REVOLUTIONARY  WAR. 


COMPILED    FROM    THE    BEST    AUTHORITIES, 

BY  JOHN  FROST,  LL.D., 

Author  of  the  "  Book  of  the  Army,"  and  "  Book  of  the  Navy." 


HARTFORD: 
BELKNAP    AND   HAMERSLEY, 

1849. 


F7 


Entered,  according  to  the  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1845,  by 

JOHN  FROST, 

In  the  office  of  the  Clerk  of  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States  in  and  for 
the  Eastern  District  of  Pennsylvania. 


WFTOF 

Bancroft 

LIBRARY 


PREFACE. 

A  FRIEND,  who  is  so  kind  as  to  express  a  favour 
able  opinion  respecting  the  "  Book  of  the  Navy"  and 
the  "  Book  of  the  Army"  suggested  the  propriety  of 
completing  the  series  by  a  " Book  of  the  Colonies" 
As  the  two  former  works  present  a  view  of  the  naval 
and  military  history  of  the  country  from  the  declara 
tion  of  independence  to  th6  present  time,  and  the 
Book  of  the  Colonies  gives  a  general  history,  from 
the  earliest  times  to  the  commencement  of  the  revo 
lutionary  war ;  we  have  thus  a  review  of  the  main 
current  of  history  through  the  whole  period  of  our 
colonial  and  national  existence;  while  each  of  the 
volumes  is  a  complete  and  distinct  work,  having  its 
proper  subject  and  unity. 

This  present  work  is  chiefly  drawn  from  Murray, 
whose  chapters  on  the  colonization  of  the  United 
States  are  written  with  great  care,  with  access  to  a 
first-rate  collection  of  authorities,  and  in  a  spirit  of 
intelligent  liberality,  as  admirable  as  it  is  rare. 


<~>  /"*  &  ^~».  /-~v  «••» 

861323 


CONTENTS. 


MM 

CHAPTER  I.— THE  NORTHMEN— COLUMBUS— THE  CABOTS.— Voyage  of  Nad- 
dod— of  Floki — Ingulf— Voyage  of  Eric — Greenland  colonized — Voyage 
of  Biarne — Voyage  of  Leif— Discovery  of  Grapes — Thorwald — Voyage  of 
Thorfinn— of  Gadleif— Biarne's  Presents— Historical  Evidence— Colum 
bus — His  Voyage — Voyage  of  the  Cabots  -  -  -  ...  9 

CHAPTER  II.— SPANISH  EXPEDITIONS.— Ponce  de  Leon— Florida— Expedition 
of  Gomez — Expedition  of  Narvaez — Alvaro — Fernando  de  Soto — Dis 
covery  of  the  Mississippi — Death  of  Soto — Moscoso — Cancello  -  -  25 

CHAPTER  III.— FRENCH  EXPEDITIONS.— Verazzano— Coligni— Ribault— Lau- 
donniere — Menendez — Massacre  of  the  Huguenots — Expedition  of  De 
Gourgues — Retaliation  by  De  Gourguea 61 

CHAPTER  IV. — SETTLEMENT  OF  VIRGINIA. — Amadas  and  Barlow — Lane's 
Expedition — White — Gosnold — Weymouth — Settlement  at  Jamestown — 
Condition  of  the  Colony — Smith  taken  Prisoner — Pocahontas— Smith  ex 
plores  the  Chesapeake — Coronation  of  Powhatan — Arrival  of  Lord  Dela 
ware — Pocahontas  in  England— First  Representative  Assembly — The  great 
Massacre — Berkeley  appointed  Governor — Bennet  chosen  Governor — The 
Navigation  Act — Bacon's  Rebellion — Culpeper  appointed  Governor — 
Nicholson's  Government — Spotswood's  Expedition  -  -  -  -  73 

CHAPTER  V.— SETTLEMENT  OF  MARYLAND.— Arrival  of  Calvert— Settlement 
of  Kent  Island — Difficulties  with  Clayborne — Settlement  of  Anne  Arun- 
del — Civil  Dissensions — Civil  War— Catholic  Governor  -  130 

CHAPTER  VI.— SETTLEMENT  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.— Arrival  of  Smith-^-Grants 
to  the  Plymouth  Company— The  Pilgrims— Settlement  of  New  Plymouth 
—Treaty  with  Massassoit— Prosperity  of  the  Colonies— Settlement  of 
Boston — Form  of  Colonial  Government — Religious  Dissensions — Banish 
ment  of  Roger  Williams— Female  Fanaticism— Sir  Henry  Vane— First 
Religious  Synod — Dissensions  in  the  Colony — Rise  of  the  Quakers — De 
cline  of  Fanaticism — Opposition  to  the  Crown — Charter  cancelled — 
Charter  revived— Destruction  of  the  Pequods— Destruction  of  the  Narra- 
gansctts — Christianity  among  the  Narragansetts — Party  Controversies — 
Connecticut  colonized— Charter  cancelled— Rhode  Island— Early  History 

of  Maine 153 

1*  (*) 


VI  CONTENTS. 

PAGB 

CHAPTER  VII. — SETTLEMENT  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.— Penn  obtains  a  Charter- 
Arrival  of  Emigrants— Question  of  Boundary— Internal  Dissensions— Trial 
of  Penn— Discontents  in  the  Colony— Population  of  Pennsylvania  -  -  215 

CHAPTER  VIII.— SETTLEMENT  OF  NEW  YORK  AND  NEW  JERSEY — New 
York — New  Amsterdam — Swedish  Colony — Conquest  by  the  English — 
Abdication  of  James— Strifes  in  the  Colony— Burnet's  Administration- 
Settlement  of  New  Jersey 230 

CHAPTER  IX.— CAROLINA  AND  GEORGIA.— Settlement  of  Carolina— New 
Constitution— Religious  Difficulties— Massacre  of  Port  Royal— Effects  of 
Slavery — Settlement  of  Georgia — Arrival  of  Oglelhorpe — Attack  on  St. 
Augustine— Spaniards  attempt  to  retaliate— Oglethorpe's  successful  Ope 
rations — Dissatisfaction  of  the  Colonists — Georgia  becomes  a  royal 
Colony  -.7"^to> -V-;^w  :^;A,nv-:\:  --  .  .  .  .  .345 

CHAPTER  X.— GENERAL  AFFAIRS  OF  THE  COLONIES  TO  THE  PEACE  IN  1764. 
—War  with  the  French— Acadia  and  Newfoundland  ceded  to  the  Eng 
lish—Seizure  of  Louisburg— French  Aggressions— Washington's  Expedi 
tion — Fort  Du  Quesne  built — Activity  of  Washington — Capitulation  of 
Fort  Necessity— Colonial  Convention— Franklin— Proposed  General  Go 
vernment  for  the  Colonies— Defeat  of  Braddock— Expedition  against 
Crown  Point— Montcalm  captures  the  Forts  at  Oswego— Massacre- at 
Fort  William  Henry— William  Pitt— Wolfe— Victory  at  Quebec,  and 
Death  of  Wolfe— Assault  on  Ticonderoga— Fort  du  Quesne  abandoned  by 
the  French— Evacuation  of  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point— Niagara  taken 
—Capitulation  of  Montreal—Canada  and  adjacent  Countries  ceded  to  the 
English— Acquisition  of  Florida— Rapid  Growth  of  the  Colonies  -  -  262 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 

Sebastian  Cabot PAGE      9 

Biarne's  Presents 17 

Landing  of  Columbus 22 

Tail-piece — Columbus 24 

Ponce  de  Leon 25 

Ponce  de  Leon  wounded 28 

Narvaez's  March  to  Apalachen 32 

Fernando  de  Soto 41 

Soto  discovering  the  Mississippi 57 

Verazzano 61 

Coligni 64 

Captain  John  Smith 73 

The  Indian's  Breastplate 75 

Grenville  burning  an  Indian  Village 77 

Smith  showing  the  Compass 92 

Pocahontas  rescuing  Smith 93 

Captain  Smith  exploring  the  Chesapeake 95 

Capture  of  Pocahontas 1C3 

The  Christian  Indian  discovering  the  Plot  of  the  Massacre 109 

The  great  Massacre 110 

Arrest  of  Harvey 115 

Opechancanough  reproving  Berkeley 117 

George  Calvert,  first  Lord  Baltimore 130 

Settlement  of  St.  Mary's 133 

Oliver  Cromwell 143 

Landing  of  the  Pilgrims 161 

Treaty  with  Massasoit 165 

Settlement  of  Boston 171 

Banishment  of  Roger  Williams 178 

Sir  Henry  Vane 181 

Governor  Winthrop 182 

Destruction  of  the  Pequods ^  •  •  •  •  197 

Eliot  preaching  to  the  Indians 201 

Emigration  of  Hooker 207 


viii  LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 

Roger  Williams  entertained  by  the  Indians PAGE  209 

William  Penn 215 

Treaty  Monument 219 

Penn's  Interview  with  Lord  Baltimore 222 

Governor  Stuy vesant 233 

Lord  Clarendon 246 

General  Oglethorpe 257 

Savannah  in  1778 261 

Wreck  of  the  Fleet 264 

Washington  and  St.  Pierre 267 

Benjamin  Franklin 270 

Massacre  at  Fort  William  Henry 275 

William  Pitt 276 

Death  of  General  Wolfe..                                                                 .  277 


CHAPTER   I. 

THE  NORTHMEN— COLUMBUS— THE  CABOTS. 

OR  many  ages,  the  honour  of  having  first  reached 
the  transatlantic  continent,  by  sailing  from  Eu- 
^  rope,  was  awarded  to  Columbus.  But  that  honour 
seems  now  likely  to  be  wrested  from  him  by  the 
Northmen,  whose  claim  to  a  prior  discovery,  never 
relinquished  by  the  Icelandic  scholars,  has  been  recently  revived, 
and  powerfully  supported,  by  the  Royal  Society  of  Antiquaries, 
at  Copenhagen.  They  base  the  claim  of  the  Northmen  upon 


10  VOYAGE  OF  FLOKI. 

the  facts  recorded  by  .the  Icelandic  authorities,  a  summary  of 
vTJiith  is  here  gfveit  '  The  Scandinavians  were  the  best  navi 
gators  in  the.wprltf,  theft -skill  in  nautical  science  being  shown 
.by- ihe.  mi^isp^Qd;  fact,  tliat  their  vessels  were  to  be  seen,  at 
the  same  time,  in  every  sea,  from  the  Mediterranean  to  the 
Baltic,  from  the  extremity  of  Finland  Gulf  to  the  entrance  of 
Davis's  Straits.  As  pirates  and  rovers,  they,  at  a  very  remote 
period,  discovered  in  the  Orkney  Islands  a  secure  retreat  from 
the  storms  and  tempests  of  the  north  seas,  as  well  as  from  the 
arms  of  the  enraged  people  whom  they  had  surprised  and 
plundered.  When  these  pirates  were  no  longer  tolerated  in 
Norway,  the  Orkneys  became  their  perpetual  abode.  Hence 
originated  those  formidable  expeditions  which  ravaged  every 
coast,  from  the  south  of  Ireland  to  the  extremity  of  the  Gulf 
of  Finland. 

In  888,  Harold  Harfager,  the  great  conqueror  of  Norway, 
sent  a  powerful  armament  into  these  seas,  with  a  view  to  sup 
press  their  ravages.  From  this  period  the  Orkneys,  the  Shet 
land  Isles,  and  the  Hebrides,  began  to  assume  an  important  part 
in  the  transactions  of  the  north.  Iceland  was  known  to  the 
Irish  missionaries  before  it  was  discovered  by  Norwegians,  but 
they  found  it  uninhabited  in  the  year  861.  It  was  then  acci 
dentally  discovered  by  Naddod,  who  named  it  Snoeland ;  but 
who  did  not  know  that  it  was  an  island.  In  the  following 
year  it  was  visited  by  a  Swede ;  and  in  803,  the  Norwegian 
Floki  sailed  to  the  new  found  territory,  with  a  design  to  found 
there  a  colony ;  but  the  mysterious  quaking  of  the  ground 
troubled  him,  and  he  resolved  to  return  to  'Norway.  His  fol 
lowers,  however,  gave  a  favourable  account  of  the  islaijd ;  they 
praised  its  fish,  its  climate,  and  its  soil.  "  It  was,"  said  they 
"  a  place  where  men  might  live  in  freedom,  far  away  from  kings 
and  jarls." 

In  874,  Ingulf,  the  son  of  a  Norwegian  jarl,  having  slain  his 
adversary,  fled  from  the  consequences  of  his  act,  to  Iceland, 
where  he,  with  his  brother-in-law,  Jorleif,  founded  colonies. 


VOYAGE  OF  ERIC.  11 

Many  new  emigrations  from  the  parent  country  followed,  the 
people  being  weary  of  their  tyrannical  rulers,  and  anxious  to 
live  in  a  country  where  no  kings,  no  jarls  were  to  be  found. 
The  feuds  of  the  nobles,  also,  caused  many  additions  to  the 
number  of  the  emigrants.  Thus  JorwaW,  a  Norwegian  jarl, 
was  compelled  to  leave  his  country.  He  fled  to  Iceland, 
where,  after  his  death,  his  son,  Eric  Randa  (the  Red),  becoming 
involved  in  a  quarrel,  killed  his  adversary.  He  was  obliged 
to  leave  Iceland,  but  dared  not  return  to  Norway  on  account 
of  the  ill-feeling  there  entertained  for  his  family.  Some  ad 
venturers  had  discovered  a  new  land  to  the  south-west.  Eric 
sailed  in  that  direction,  and  found  a  small  island,  in  a  strait, 
which  he  named  Eric's  Sund.  Passing  the  winter  here,  he  ex 
plored  the  main-land,  in  the  spring,  and  finding  it  covered  with 
a  delightful  verdure,  he  named  it  Gronland,  or  Greenland.  He 
soon  returned  to  Iceland,  where  he  succeeded  in  collecting  a 
number  of  colonists,  whom  he  established  in  the  newly-dis 
covered  land. 

In  999,  Leif,  the  son  of  Eric,  repaired  to  Norway,  where  he 
succeeded  in  interesting  the  reigning  monarch,  Olaf  Trygveson, 
in  the  fate  of  the  colony.  Olaf  had  recently  been  converted 
to  Christianity ;  and  in  his  zeal  for  his  new  religion,  he  either 
forced  or  persuaded  Leif  to  be  baptized,  and  caused  a  mission 
ary  to  accompany  him  on  his  return  to  Greenland.  The  holy 
father  introduced  his  religion  among  the  Norwegians,  but  met 
with  no  success  in  his  attempts  to  convert  the  natives.  The 
latter  always  cherished  a  hatred  of  the  colonists ;  and  when, 
even  after  three  centuries,  the  dreadful  black  plague,  in  1348, 
had  thinned  their  numbers,  the  natives  became  involved  in  a 
feud  with  the  remainder,  and  totally  exterminated  them.  Not 
a  vestige  remains  of  that  colony,  nor  is  it  clearly  ascertained  in 
what  part  of  the  coast  it  was  located. 

Herjulf  and  his  son  Biarne  were  engaged  in  trading  between 
Iceland  and  Norway,  in  which  latter  country  they  usually 
wintered.  One  season,  their  vessels  being,  as  usual,  divided 


12  VOYAGE  OF  BIARNE. 

£ 

for  the  greater  convenience  of  traffic,  Biarne  did  not  find  his 
father  in  Norway,  but  was  informed  that  he  had  proceeded  to 
the  newly-discovered  country  of  Greenland.  Biarne  had  never 
visited  that  country  ;  but  he  steered  westward  for  many  days, 
until  a  strong  north  wind  bore  him  considerably  to  the  south. 
After  a  long  voyage,  he  arrived  in  sight  of  a  low  woody  coun 
try,  which,  compared  with  the  description  he  had  received  of 
the  other,  and  from  the  route  he  had  taken,  could  not,  he  was 
sure,  be  Greenland.  Proceeding  to  the  north-west,  he  arrived 
safely  at  Greenland,  having  seen  an  island  at  a  distance  during 
the  voyage.  He  found  his  father  established  at  the  promon 
tory,  afterwards  called  Herjulfsnoes,  opposite  the  south-west 
point  of  Iceland.  In  the  following  summer  Biarne  made  another 
voyage  to  Norway,  where  he  told  his  adventures  to  the  jarl 
Eric,  who  reproached  him  for  not  landing  on  the  strange  coasts. 
Biarne  returned  to  his  father  in  Greenland,  where  much  spe 
culation  concerning  the  newly-discovered  lands  had  occupied 
the  attention  of  the  people.  Leif,  son  of  Eric  Randa,  a  rest 
less  adventurer,  was  excited  to  emulate  the  fame  his  father  had 
acquired  by  the  discovery  of  Greenland.  Having  persuaded 
thirty-five  mariners,  as  daring  as  himself,  he  purchased  Biarne's 
ship,  and  requested  his  father  to  become  the  commander  of 
the  enterprise.  The  infirmity  of  his  old  age,  which  ren 
dered  him  unable  to  bear  the  fatigues  of  a  sea  voyage,  was 
assigned  by  Eric  as  a  reason  for  his  refusal.  Leif,  however,  by 
his  importunity,  persuaded  his  father  to  embark,  but  as  he  was 
riding  to  the  vessel,  his  horse  stumbled,  and  Eric  conceiving  it 
to  be  an  evil  omen,  absolutely  refused  to  proceed.  "  I  do  not 
believe,"  said  the  old  man,  "  that  it  is  given  to  me  to  discover 
any  more  lands,  and  here  will  I  abide."  Eric  returned  to  his 
house,  and  Leif  set  sail  with  his  thirty-five  companions,  one 
of  whom  was  a  native  of  one  of  the  south  countries,  named 
Tyrker  (Diederich— Dirk),  a  German,  who  had  long  been  at 
tached  to  the  family  of  Eric.  Sailing  in  the  direction  named 
by  Biarne,  they  came  to  what  they  supposed  to  be  one  of  the 


VOYAGE  OF  LEIF.  13 

countries  discovered  by  that  mariner,  the  coast  of  \vhich  was  a 
flat,  stony  land,  and  the  back  ground  crowned  with  lofty 
mountains,  covered  with  ice  and  snow.  This  country,  which 
must  have  been  Newfoundland  or  Labrador,  they  named  Ilellu- 
land.  Sailing  towards  the  south,  they  soon  came  to  another 
coast,  also  flat,  covered  with  thick  wood,  and  the  shores  of 
white  sand,  gradually  sloping  towards  the  sea.  Here  they  cast 
anchor,  and  went  on  shore.  They  named  the  country,  which 
was  probably  Nova  Scotia,  Markland,  or  the  Country  of  the 
Wood,  and  pursued  their  voyage,  with  a  north-east  wind,  for 
two  days  and  nights,  when  they  discovered  a  third  land,  the 
northern  coast  of  which  was  sheltered  by  an  island.  Here 
they  again  landed,  and  found  a  country,  not  mountainous,  but 
undulating  and  woody,  and  abounding  with  fruits  and  berries, 
delicious  to  the  taste.  From  thence  they  re-embarked,  and 
made  sail  to  the  west  to  seek  a  harbour,  which  they  at  last 
found  at  the  mouth  of  a  river,  where  they  were  swept,  by  the 
tide,  into  the  lake  from  which  the  river  issued.  They  cast 
anchor  and  pitched  tents  at  this  spot,  and  found  the  river  and 
lake  full  of  the  largest  salmon  they  had  ever  seen.  Finding 
the  climate  very  temperate,  and  the  soil  fruitful  in  pasturage, 
they  determined  to  build  huts,  arid  pass  the  winter  here.  The 
days  were  nearer  of  an  equal  length  than  in  Greenland  or  Ice 
land,  and  when  they  were  at  the  shortest,  (December  21,)  the 
sun  rose  at  half-past  seven,  and  set  at  half-past  four  o'clock. 
If-  this  computation  be  correct,  they  must  have  been  in  the  lati 
tude  of  Eoston. 

It  happened  one  day,  soon  after  their  arrival,  that  Tyrker, 
the  German,  was  missing,  and  as  Lcif  set  a  great  value  upon 
him,  on  account  of  his  skill  in  various  arts,  he  made  great 
search  for  him.  When,  at  length,  they  discovered  him,  he 
began  to  inform  them,  in  the  Teutonic  tongue,  of  some  great 
discovery  he  had  made.  After  much  difficulty,  they  understood 
that  he  had  found  wild  grapes  a  few  miles  from  the  shore.  No 
doubt  could  exist  concerning  the  nature  of  the  fruit,  as  the 
2 


14  DISCOVERY  OF  GRAPES. 

German  assured  them  that  he  was  well  acquainted  with  it. 
Leif,  therefore,  named  the  country  Vinland,  or  Wine-Land 
The  following  spring  they  returned  to  Greenland. 

The  next  chief  that  visited  Vinland  wras  Thorwald,  another 
son  of  Eric,  the  Red.  Not  being  satisfied  with  the  discoveries 
made  by  his  brother,  he  obtained  from  him  his  ship,  and  with 
thirty  companions  set  out  on  a  new  voyage  of  discovery.  He 
proceeded  to  the  coast,  and  wintered  in  the  huts  which  Leif 
had  erected.  In  the  spring,  he  manned  a  large  boat  with  part 
of  his  crew,  and  proceeded  along  the  coast  to  the  westward, 
which  he  found  a  pleasant  country,  well  wooded,  the  shores 
consisting  of  banks  of  white  sand,  and  a  chain  of  islands, 
running  along  the  coast,  separated  from  each  other  by  shallow 
inlets,  but  no  trace  of  human  inhabitants,  except  a  cornshed  of 
wood.  After  spending  the  summer  in  this  excursion,  they  re 
turned  to  their  winter  quarters.  In  the  following  summer, 
Thorwald  sailed  in  his  ship  to  examine  the  east  and  north,  but 
was  cast  on  shore  by  a  storm,  and  the  whole  season  was  lost  in 
repairing  the  vessel.  Here  he  erected  the  keel  of  his  ship, 
which  was  no  longer  fit  for  service,  on  a  head-land,  which  he 
called,  from  that  circumstance,  Kigalarnes,  and  which  was,  in 
all  probability,  Cape  Cod.  He  then  pursued  his  voyage  to  the 
eastward  until  he  came  to  a  large  inlet,  where  he  cast  anchor, 
attracted  by  the  promising  appearance  of  the  country,  which 
rose  in  high  lands,  covered  with  thick  wood.  Here  the  adven 
turers  disembarked  ;  and  Thorwald  declared,  "  This  is  a  goodly 
place,  here  will  I  take  up  my  abode."  Shortly  afterwards,  the 
adventurers  descried,  on  the  shore,  three  small  batteaux,  made 
of  hides,  under  each  of  which  was  a  band  of  three  Skroellings, 
or  dwarfs,  which  is  the  name  given  by  the  Northmen  to  the 
Esquimaux. 

A  contest  ensued,  which  resulted  in  the  death  of  eight  of  the 
Skroellings,  the  ninth  being  fortunate  enough  to  escape  to  the 
interior.  He  soon  returned  with  a  host  of  his  countrymen, 
who  immediately  advanced  to  attack  the  adventurers.  Thor- 


VOYAGE  OF  TIIORF1NN.  15 

\vald  commanded  his  men  to  make  a  bulwark  by  setting  up 
balks  against  the  sides  of  the  vessel.  None  of  the  crew  were 
wounded,  and  the  natives  retired,  after  delivering  a  shower  of 
arrows.  Thorwald  himself,  however,  received  a  mortal  wound, 
and  said  to  his  companions,  "  I  now  advise  you  to  prepare  for 
your  departure  as  soon  as  possible;  but  me  ye  shall  bring  to 
the  promontory,  where  I  thought  it  good  to  dwell.  It  may 
be  that  it  was  a  prophetic  word  which  fell  from  my  mouth, 
about  'abiding  there  for  a  season.  There  shall  ye  bury  me,  and 
plant  a  cross  at  my  head,  and  another  at  my  feet,  and  call  the 
place  Krossaness,  in  all  coming  time."  The  survivors  passed 
the  winter  in  V inland,  and  in  the  spring  returned  to  Greenland 
with  the  news  of  their  discoveries,  and  of  the  melancholy  fate 
of  Thorwald. 

Eric  left  another  son  named  Thorstein,  who,  with  his  wife 
Gudrida,  and  twenty-five  companions,  undertook  the  voyage, 
principally  for  the  pious  purpose  of  bringing  home  the  body  of 
his  lamented  brother.  Their  expedition  was  unsuccessful.  Af 
ter  being  beaten  about  by  contrary  W7inds  the  whole  summer, 
they  at  last  reached  a  part  of  the  coast  of  Greenland,  far 
distant  from  that  at  which  the  colony  of  the  Northmen  wras 
established.  Here  Thorstein  perished,  and  Gudrida  returned 
home  with  his  body.  She  soon  after  married  a  man  of  illus 
trious  birth  and  great  wealth,  named  Thorfinn.  who  had  come 
to  Greenland  from  Iceland  with  two  ships,  one  of  which  was 
commanded  by  himself,  the  other  by  Eiarne  Grimolfson  and 
Thorhall  Gamlason.  Thorfinn  was  urged  by  his  wife,  and  other 
members  of  the  family,  to  undertake  a  voyage  to  the  newly- 
discovered  country.  With  sixty  companions,  some  domestic 
animals,  implements  of  husbandry,  and  an  abundance  of  dried 
provisions,  he  proceeded  to  the  coast  where  Thorwald  had  died. 
He  wras  accompanied  by  his  wife  Gudrida,  and  five  other  wo 
men.  This  w^as  the  first  attempt  to  effect  a  permanent  settle 
ment  in  Vinland.  He  erected  his  tents,  and  surrounded  them 
with  a  strong  palisade  to  resist  the  assaults  of  the  natives. 


16  VOYAGE  OF  GUDLEIF. 

They  came  in  the  spring,  in  great  numbers,  to  offer  peltries  and 
other  produce  for  such  commodities  as  the  strangers  would 
spare.  Above  all,  they  desired  arms,  which  Thorfinn  would 
not  permit  to  be  sold.  One  of  them,  however,  seized  an  axe, 
and  ran  off  to  show  his  prize  to  his  companions.  To  try  its 
virtues,  he  struck  one  that  stood  near  him ;  and  the  latter,  to 
the  horror  of  all  present,  fell  dead  at  his  feet.  One  of  the 
natives,  who,  by  his  commanding  air  and  manner  seemed  to  be 
a  chief,  took  the  axe,  and  after  examining  it  for  some  time 
with  great  attention,  threw  it  indignantly  into  the  sea. 

After  a  residence  of  three  years  in  Vinland,  during  which 
time  he  had  a  son  born  to  him,  and  whom  he  named  Snorre, 
Thorfinn  returned  to  his  native  country,  with  specimens  of  the 
fruit  and  peltries  he  had  collected.  After  making  several  voy 
ages,  he  finished  his  days  in  Iceland,  where  he  built  a  large 
mansion,  and  lived  in  great  splendour.  A  part  of  Thorfinn's 
company  still  remained  in  Vinland,  where  they  were  afterwards 
joined  by  an  expedition  from  the  Greenland  colony,  led  by  two 
brothers,  Helge  and  Firmboge. 

But  the  new  settlers  \vere  unfortunately  accompanied  by  a 
treacherous  and  wicked  woman,  Freydisa,  daughter  of  Eric,  the 
Red  ;  who,  in  a  short  time,  excited  a  quarrel,  which  proved  fatal 
to  about  thirty  of  the  colonists.  After  this  tragic  occurrence; 
Freydisa  returned  to  her  paternal  home  in  Greenland,  where 
she  lived  and  died  the  object  of  universal  contempt  and  hatred. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  reign  of  Olaf,  the  Saint,  who  died 
in  1030,  Gudleif  made  a  trading  voyage  from  Iceland  to  Dub 
lin.  Returning  along  the  western  coiist  of  Ireland,  he  met 
with  heavy  gales  from  the  east  and  north,  which  drove  him  fur 
into  the  ocean,  towards  the  south-west.  After  many  clays,  he 
saw  land  in  that  direction ;  and,  approaching  the  shore,  cast 
anchor  in  a  convenient  harbour.  Here  the  natives,  who  were 
dark-coloured,  approached  them,  made  them  prisoners,  and  car 
ried  them  into  the  interior.  Here  they  were  met  by  a  venera 
ble  chieftain,  of  a  noble  and  commanding  aspect,  and  fair  com- 


BIOKN'S  PRESENTS. 


17 


Biorn's  Presents. 


plexion,  who  spoke  Icelandic,  and  inquired  after  Snorre,  Code, 
and  other  individuals  then  living  on  the  island.  The  natives 
were  divided  in  opinion,  whether  they  should  put  them  to  death 
or  make  them  slaves.  After  some  consultation,  the  white 
chieftain  informed  them  that  they  were  at  liberty  to  depart,  and 
advised  them  to  make  no  delay,  as  the  natives  were  cruel  to 
strangers.  He  refused  to  tell  his  name ;  but  gave  to  Gudleif 
presents  of  a  gold  ring  for  Snorre's  sister,  Thurida,  and  a  sword 
for  her  son.  Gudleif  returned  to  Iceland  with  these  gifts, 
where  it  was  conjectered  that  he  was  the  famous  Scald  Biorn, 
who  had  been  the  lover  of  Thurida,  and  who  had  left  Iceland 
in  the  year  998. 

No  subsequent  traces  of  the  Norman  colony,  in  America,  are 
to  be  found  until  the  year  1059,  when  an  Irish  or  Saxon  priest, 
named  Jon,  or  John,  went  from  Ireland  to  Yinland,  to  preach 
Christianity.  He  met,  however,  with  a  tragical  end, — a  proof, 
says  Dunham,  in  his  Scandinavian  History,  that  if  any  of  the 
original  settlers  had  been  Christians,  they  had  reverted  to  idola 
try.  A  bishop  of  Greenland  afterwards,  1121,  embarked  for 
Vinland,  where  he  hoped  to  spread  the  gospel ;  but  nothing 
further  is  known  of  his  expedition,  or  the  fate  of  the  colony. 


19  HISTORICAL  EVIDENCE. 

The  authenticity  of  the  Icelandic  accounts  of  the  discovery 
and  settlement  of  Vinland  were  recognised  in  Denmark,  says 
the  learned  author  of  the  History  of  the  Northmen,*  shortly 
after  this  period,  by  king  Svend  Estrithson,  commonly  called 
Sweno  II,  in  a  conversation  with  Adam  of  Bremen.  But  no 
further  mention  of  them  is  made  in  the  national  annals,  and  it 
may  appear  doubtful  what  degree  of  credit  is  due  to  the  rela 
tions  of  the  Venetian  navigators,  the  two  brothers  Zerii,  who 
are  said  to  have  sailed,  in  the  latter  part  of  the  fourteenth  cen 
tury,  in  the  service  of  a  Norman  prince  of  the  Orcades,  to  the 
coast  of  New  England,  Carolina,  and  even  Mexico ;  or,  at 
least,  to  have  collected  authentic  accounts  of  voyages  as  far 
west  and  south  as  these  countries.  The  land  discovered  and 
peopled  by  the  Norwegians,  is  called  by  Antonio  Zeni,  Estoto- 
land ;  and  he  states,  among  other  particulars,  that  the  princes 
of  the  country  still  had  in  their  possession  Latin  books,  which 
they  did  not  understand,  and  which  were  probably  those  left  by 
the  bishop  Eric,  during  his  mission. 

Supposing,  continues  Mr.  Wheaton,  these  latter  discoveries 
to  be  authentic,  they  could  hardly  have  escaped  the  attention 
of  Columbus,  who  had  himself  navigated  in  the  Arabic  seas, 
but  whose  mind  dwelt  with  such  intense  fondness  upon  his 
favourite  idea  of  finding  a  passage  to  the  East  Indies,  across  the 
western  ocean,  that  he  might  have  neglected  these  indications 
of  the  existence  of  another  continent,  in  the  direction  pursued 
by  the  Venetian  adventurers.  At  all  events,  there  is  not  the 
si  ghtest  reason  to  believe  that  the  illustrious  Genoese  was  ac- 

*  Whealon's  History  of  the  North  MICH,  p.  16 — 81.  It  is  to  this  able 
writer  that  we  are  indebted  for  many  of  the  particulars  of  the  above 
account  of  the  discoveries  of  the  Northmen.  In  addition  to  his  able 
history,  the  work  of  S.  A.  Dunham,  "  The  History  of  Denmark,  Sweden 
and  Norway;"  "The  History  of  the  Voyages  and  Discoveries  made  in 
the  North,"  by  J.  Reinhold  Foster ;  The  New  York  Review,  Governor 
Everett  in  the  North  American  Review,  and  the  leading  British  Reviews 
have  been  consulted  and  occasionally  quoted. 


COLUMBUS.  19 

quainted  with  the  discovery  of  North  America,  by  the  Nor 
mans,  five  centuries  before  his  time ;  ho\vever  well  authenti 
cated  that  fact  now  appears  to  be  by  the  Icelandic  records,  to 
which  we  have  referred. 

The  colony  established  by  them  probably  perished  in  the 
same  manner  with  the  ancient  establishments  in  Greenland. 
Some  faint  traces  of  its  existence  may,  perhaps,  be  found  in  the 
relations  of  the  Jesuit  missionaries,  respecting  a  native  tribe  in 
the  district  of  Gaspe,  at  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  who 
are  said  to  have  attained  a  certain  degree  of  civilization,  to 
have  worshipped  the  sun,  and  observed  the  position  of  the  stars. 
Others  revered  the  symbol  of  the  cross,  before  the  arrival  of 
the  French  missionaries,  which,  according  to  their  tradition, 
had  been  taught  them  by  a  venerable  person,  who  cured,  by  this 
means,  a  terrible  epidemic  which  raged  among  them. 

The  discovery  of  America,  by  the  Northmen,  is  not  con 
sidered  as  detracting,  in  the  least,  from  the  merit  of  Columbus's 
discovery,  who  cannot  be  supposed  to  have  had  any  suspicion 
that  the  northern  region,  of  which  he  might  possibly  have  heard 
in  Iceland,  was  identical  with  the  Indies,  which  it  was  his  grand 
object  to  reach. 

He  was  born  in  Genoa,  about  the  year  143-L).  Little  of  his 
early  history  is  known,  except  that,  in  his  youth,  he  was  sent  to 
Pa  via  to  prosecute  his  scholastic  studies.  There  he  was  noted 
for  rapid  progress  in  geometry,  astronomy,  and  cosmography ; 
but  soon  relinquished  his  studies  and  embarked  in  a  naval  career. 
During  many  succeeding  years,  he  was  engaged  in  long-  voy 
ages,  and  became  the  most  experienced  navigator  of  his  age. 
The  trade  with  the  East  Indies  had  been  chiefly  carried  on  by 
land  ;  and  it  was  the  desire  of  Columbus  to  find  a  more  direct 
route  to  India.  He  had  early  conceived  the  possibility  of  dis 
covering  a  western  passage,  and  his  theory  was  supported  by 
many  interesting  facts.  Pieces  of  wood,  nicely  carved,  had 
been  found  by  navigators  floating  in  the  western  waters,  to 
gether  with  canes  and  plants  unknown  to  Europeans.  The 


20  VOYAGE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

bodies  of  men,  of  strange  colour,  and  unusual  appearance,  were 
thrown  upon  the  Azores.  These  facts  strengthened  his  opinion, 
and  he  determined  to  seek  a  new  passage,  in  a  westerly  direc 
tion.  For  this  purpose,  he  applied  for  means  to  fit  out  an  ex 
pedition,  to  King  John  II,  of  Portugal ;  but  his  proposals  to 
that  monarch  were  rejected.  He  next  applied  to  the  sovereigns 
of  Spain,  and  at  first  was  not  listened  to.  He  wras  about 
leaving  the  country  in  disgust,  when  a  messenger  from  Queen 
Isabella  overtook  him,  and  he  returned  to  Seville.  The  arti 
cles  of  agreement,  by  which  Columbus  was  to  undertake  the 
voyage,  were  signed,  and  on  the  12th  of  May,  1492,  he  pro 
ceeded  to  Palos  to  prepare  the  armament.  Three  vessels  only, 
of  inconsiderable  size,  were  allowed  him,  such  as,  at  the  present 
day,  would  be  considered  quite  unfit  for  a  voyage  across  the 
Atlantic.  The  whole  cost  of  the  expedition  was  twenty  thou 
sand  dollars,  and  the  number  of  persons  engaged  in  it  no  more 
than  one  hundred  and  twenty. 

On  the  3d  of  August,  1492,  Columbus  set  sail  from  Palos, 
and  directed  his  course  to  the  Canary  Islands.  There  he  was 
delayed  some  time,  in  consequence  of  injury  done  to  one  of  his 
vessels ;  this  having  been  repaired,  he,  on  the  6th  of  Septem 
ber,  left  the  Canaries,  and  proceeded  over  unknown  waters,  in 
quest  of  a  new  region.  On  the  second  day,  the  fleet  lost  sight 
of  land,  and  the  crews  now  seem  to  have  become  aware  of  their 
real  situation,  and  the  boldness  of  the  enterprise.  They  soon 
began  to  murmur ;  but  the  admiral  consoled  them,  and  inspired 
them  with  fresh  courage.  He  made  daily  observations  on  the 
sun,  and  for  the  first  time,  observed  the  variation  of  the  needle. 
This  phenomenon  caused  alarm  to  the  crews,  which  Columbus 
removed  by  a  plausible  theory,  of  his  own  invention.  On  the 
15th,  they  were  three  hundred  leagues  distant  from  the  Canary 
Islands,  having  had,  since  their  departure,  a  brisk  east  wind. 
In  consequence  of  this  wind,  the  seamen  supposed  it  impossible 
for  them  ever  to  return  to  their  own  country ;  but  their  hopes 
were  revived  by  the  appearance  of  birds,  which  never  departed 


INDICATIONS  OF  LAND.  21 

far  from  land,  and  the  sea  appeared  covered  with  plants ;  these 
facts  seemed  to  convince  the  men  that  land  was  not  far  distant. 
After  this  period,  there  were  many  signs  of  land,  which  another 
day  were  dispelled.  Multitudes  of  birds  were  seen  flying 
about,  giving  fresh  hopes  to  the  murmuring  seamen.  Colum 
bus  kept  the  secret  of  the  distance  they  had  come,  from  his 
men,  for  the  crews  were  extremely  uneasy  at  the  length  of  the 
voyage,  and  became  desirous  of  returning.  They  encountered 
many  storms  during  the  voyage,  as  well  as  fearful  calms,  both 
of  which  caused  great  alarm  to  the  terrified  crews.  These 
calms,  together  with  great  quantities  of  sea- weed,  retarded  the 
progress  of  the  vessels,  and  the  seamen  became  restless  and 
clamorous.  Columbus  used  all  his  influence  with  them;  he 
argued,  expostulated,  and  made  promises ;  but  these  only  ren 
dered  them  more  boisterous.  A  heavy  swell  of  the  sea,  accom 
panied  by  a  gentle  breeze,  removed  the  fears  which  the  previous 
dead  calms  had  excited. 

On  the  25th  of  September,  a  shout  came  from  the  Pinta,  an 
nouncing  the  approach  to  land ;'  this  was  occasioned  by  large 
clouds  in  the  horizon,  having,  to  the  eager  eyes  of  the  seamen, 
the  appearance  of  land  in  the  distance.  Similar  appearances 
were  afterwards  witnessed,  and  when  these  symptoms  vanished, 
the  crews  again  desponded.  Numerous  flocks  of  birds  were 
seen  flying  in  particular  directions ;  this  led  the  crews  to  sup 
pose  that  land  was  near ;  and,  accordingly,  they  desired  the 
admiral  to  sail  for  those  shores,  which  they  believed  to  exist  in 
those  directions.  But  the  admiral  still  persisted  in  his  westerly 
course,  when  again  the  spirit  of  revolt  among  the  men,  became 
more  formidable  than  ever.  Columbus,  during  the  whole  of 
their  proceedings,  remained  calm  and  collected,  and  forgot  not 
his  station.  A  few  days  after,  their  hopes  were  once  more  re 
vived  by  birds  which  flew  close  about  the  ships. 

On  the  7th,  land  appeared  visible  from  the  Santa  Maria,  and 
the  Nina  fired  many  guns,  and  hoisted  her  flags.  Again  the 
care-worn  mariners  were  doomed  to  a  grievous  disappointment, 


LAND  DISCOVERED. 


Landing  of  Columbus. 


for  what  they  supposed  to  be  land,  gradually  disappeared, 
leaving  them  in  absolute  despair.  On  the  llth,  however,  the 
indications  of  land  became  more  certain ;  reeds  were  seen  float 
ing  about ;  trunks  of  trees,  rudely  carved,  and  branches  of  trees 
were  taken  up  by  the  crew  of  the  Nina.  The  sea  wras  sound 
ed,  and  bottom  found  ;  the  wind  was  changeable,  and  when 
night  came,  Columbus  gave  orders  for  a  strict  watch  to  be  kept. 
About  10  o'clock  in  the  evening,  while  Columbus  \vas  seated 
on  the  poop  of  his  vessel,  he  thought  he  saw  through  the  gloom 
ahead,  a  light,  which  appeared  to  move  from  place  to  place. 
Still  doubting  the  evidence  of  his  own  senses,  he  called  Pedro 
Gutierrez,  and  afterwards,  Roderigo  Sanchez,  who  both  con- 


VOYAGE  OF  THE  CABOTS.  23 

firmed  Columbia's  vision.  It  was  considered  as  evidence  of 
land,  and  also,  that  it  was  inhabited.  Early  on  the  morning  of 
the  12th,  a  gun  fired  from  the  Pirita,  gave  the  joyful  signal  of 
land;  and  when  the  day  bioke,  they  beheld  before  them,  a 
beautiful  island,  clothed  in  verdure.  The  vessels,  at  sunrise, 
steered  towards  it,  and  beheld  the  inhabitants  running  naked 
upon  the  strand.  Columbus  gave  the  signal  to  anchor;  the 
boats  were  lowered.  The  admiral,  attired  in  the  richest  scarlet, 
entered  his  own  boat,  and  was  the  first  to  tread  upon  the  soil 
of  the  New  World.  Throwing  himself  upon  the  earth,  he 
kissed  it,  as  did  his  followers,  and  then  returned  thanks  to  God 
for  the  success  of  the  enterprise.  The  island  was  taken  pos 
session  of  in  the  name  of  the  Castilian  sovereigns. 

The  course  of  Columbus  had  led  him  to  Guanahani,  one  of 
the  eastern  Bahamas,  thence  to  Hispaniola ;  and  in  his  subse 
quent  researches,  still  farther  towards  the  south  and  west. 

In  1497,  John  Cabot,  and  his  son  Sebastian,  from  Bristol, 
arrived  at  Newfoundland,  or  more  probably  Labrador ;  but  no 
intimation  is  afforded  of  his  having  sailed  to  any  distance  along 
the  coast.  In  1498,  however,  his  son  Sebastian,  with  two 
vessels,  made  a  most  extensive  survey,  beginning  in  the  latitude 
of  56°,  and  terminating,  it  is  said,  in  that  of  the  Straits  of 
Gibraltar,  or  about  36\  This  must  have  brought  him  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Chesapeake,  or  even  of  Albemarle  Sound  ;  and  it 
is  impossible  not  to  regret  that  no  details  should  be  extant  of 
this  memorable  voyage.  He  soon  after  sought  the  service  of 
the  Spanish  monarch,  and  was  created  a  member  of  the  council 
of  the  Indies.  In  Iol7,  he  is  again  found  employed,  though 
only  as  second  to  Sir  Thomas  Pert,  in  an  expedition  from  Eng 
land,  by  which  the  exploration  of  Hudson's  Bay  was  certainly 
effected,  though  not  actively  followed  up.  Returning  to  Spain, 
he  was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  chief  pilot  of  that  kingdom, 
and  sailing  under  its  flag,  made  the  important  discovery  of  the 
Rio  de  la  Plata.  Lastly,  at  an  advanced  age,  being  again  in 
England,  he  was  nominated  grand  pilot,  and  governor  of  the 


24 


SEBASTIAN  CABOT. 


company  of  Merchant  Adventurers,  in  which  capacity  he  drew 
up  instructions  for  Sir  Hugh  Willoughby's  north-eastern  expe 
dition.*  He  appears  to  have  ranked  second  to  Columbus  among 
the  navigators  of  that  age,  superior  in  science,  and  rivalling 
him  in  enterprise,  gallantry,  and  honourable  feeling. 


*  Edinburgh  Cabinet  Library,  No.  IX.,  Ty tier's  Northern  Coasts  of 
America,  p.  26-32.  A  Memoir  of  Sebastian  Cabot,  8vo.,  London  1836, 
pp.  25, 28,  32. 


Columbus. 


Ponce  de  Leon. 


CHAPTER    II. 

SPANISH    EXPEDITIONS. 

(PAIN  carried  off  the  first  and  great  prizes 
of  transatlantic  discovery.  The  wise  or 
fortunate  resolution  of  Isabella  to  pa 
tronise  Columbus,  conveyed  to  her  a  do- 
, minion  over  empires  of  almost  boundless 
extent,  arid  rich  in  those  treasures  which 
mankind  most  eagerly  covet.  That  navi 
gator,  on  first  viewing  the  American  coast  at  Guanahani,  was 
not  very  distant  from  Florida ;  but  the  hope  of  a  passage  to 
the  East  Indies,  and  other  circumstances,  induced  him  to  steer 
in  a  south  and  south-western  direction.  All  the  great  islands 
of  the  archipelago  had  been  discovered,  the  coast  of  Terra 

3  (25) 


26  PONCE  DE  LEON. 

Firma  examined,  and  Nunez  de  Balboa  had  obtained  his  cele 
brated  prospect  of  the  Pacific,  before  the  Spaniards  even  sus 
pected  the  existence  of  that  vast  region  which  now  forms  the 
United  States.  It  was  brought  into  view  by  accidental  and 
somewhat  singular  incidents. 

Juan  Ponce  de  Leon,  after  distinguishing  himself  in  the  wars 
of  Grenada,  had  embarked  with  Columbus  in  his  second  voyage. 
He  then  added  greatly  to  his  reputation,  and  being  intrusted  by 
Ovando,  the  governor,  with  a  command  in  the  eastern  part  of 
Hispaniola,  had  an  opportunity  of  observing  the  rich  aspect  of 
the  adjacent  shores  of  Porto  Rico.  Having  proposed  to  his 
superior  officer  to  conquer  it,  he  was  allowed  a  body  of  troops 
to  try  his  fortune.  In  this  he  completely  succeeded,  and  ob 
tained  gold,  not  in  the  expected  abundance,  but  to  a  considera 
ble  amount ;  being  accused,  however,  of  those  cruelties  which 
were  much  too  familliar  to  the  Spanish  adventurers.  His 
claims  as  governor  being  also  considered  as  conflicting  with 
those  of  Columbus,  he  withdrew,  and  obtained  in  compensation, 
Bimini,  one  of  the  Bahamas  which  lay  nearest  to  the  continent. 

Here  an  object  very  different  from  conquest  or  plunder  en 
grossed  the  whole  soul  of  the  warlike  veteran.  In  an  age  of 
comparative  ignorance,  and  after  witnessing  so  many  wonders, 
his  mind  wras  prepared  to  credit  almost  any  extravagance. 
Ponce  de  Leon  had  somehow  imbibed  the  full  belief,  that  on 
one  of  those  insular  shores  there  existed  a  fountain  endued 
with  such  miraculous  virtue,  that  any  man,  however  worn  out 
with  age,  who  should  have  once  dipped  himself  in  its  waters, 
would  rise  restored  to  the  full  bloom  arid  vigour  of  youth.  In 
this  delusive  search,  he  beat  about  restlessly  from  shore  to 
shore,  landing  at  every  point,  and  plunging  into  every  stream, 
however  shallow  or  muddy,  in  the  vain  hope  of  springing  up 
in  this  blissful  state  of  renovation.  On  the  contrary,  his  eager 
and  incessant  activity  under  a  burning  sun,  brought  upon  him, 
it  is  said,  all  the  infirmities  of  a  premature  old  age ;  and  ac 
cording  to  Oviedo,  instead  of  a  second  youth,  he  arrived  at  a 


DEATH  OF  PONCE  DE  LEON.  27 

second  childhood,  never  after  displaying  his  former  energy  of 
thought  or  action. 

Extraordinary  exertions,  even  when  misapplied,  commonly 
lead  to  something.  While  the  Spaniard  was  sailing  in  every 
direction  after  his  miraculous  fountain,  he  came  unexpectedly, 
on  the  27th  March,  1512,  in  sight  of  an  extensive  country, 
hitherto  unknown.  Magnificent  forests,  intermingled  with 
flowering  shrubs,  exhibited  so  gay  an  aspect,  that  he  named  it 
Florida.  He  landed  on  the  8th  April,  near  the  present  site  of 
St.  Augustine ;  and  notwithstanding  the  dangers  of  navigation 
amid  the  violent  currents  produced  by  the  gulf-stream  running 
among  the  islands,  he  spent  a  considerable  time  in  tracing  its 
outline,  and  finally  rounded  the  southern  point.  Thus,  though 
still  supposing  it  to  be  an  island,  he  ascertained  that  it  must  be 
ooth  large  and  important. 

This  great  discovery  seems  to  have  weaned  the  mind  of  the 
Spanish  chief  from  his  engrossing  chimera.  He  repaired  to 
Porto  Rico,  and  thence  to  Spain,  laid  before  the  king  the  par 
ticulars  of  the  new  country,  and  obtained  permission  to  conquer 
and  rule  it  under  the  pompous  title  of  adelantado.  A  con 
siderable  time,  however,  was  consumed  in  preparations ;  and 
while  thus  busied,  he  was  obliged  to  engage  in  suppressing  an 
insurrection  among  the  Caribs.  This  contest  was  attended  with 
reverses,  by  which  he  lost  much  of  his  reputation  ;  and  nine 
years  elapsed  before  he  could  conduct  two  ships  to  his  promised 
dominion.  While  planning  a  site  for  a  colony,  he  was  surprised 
by  a  large  body  of  Indians ;  his  men  were  completely  routed, 
and  himself  severely  wounded  by  an  arrow.  As  these  people 
were  never  able  afterwards  to  cope  in  the  field  with  Spanish 
troops,  this  disaster  may  lead  us  to  suspect  that  he  really  had 
lost  his  former  military  talent.  Having  regained  the  ship,  he 
sailed  to  Cuba,  where  he  soon  after  died  of  his  wound. 

The  fate  of  Ponce  de  Leon  for  a  considerable  time  dis 
couraged  all  such  adventurers.  The  coast  was,  however,  visited 
by  individual  merchants ;  and  Diego  Miruelo  is  said  to  have 


28 


FLORIDA. 


Ponce  de  Leon  wounded. 


made  repeated  voyages  from  Cuba,  obtaining,  amorg  other 
commodities,  some  gold,  "which  confirmed  the  delusive  ideas 
entertained  of  its  wealth.  Fernandez,  Grijalva,  and  Garay, 
made  surveys  of  some  extent  along  the  southern  coast,  but 
without  reaching  Florida,  or  connecting  their  discoveries  with 
that  of  De  Leon.  The  idea  of  island  which  the  Spaniards  had 
at  first  attached  to  the  country,  gave  way  before  additional 
intelligence  and  the  assurances  of  the  natives ;  and  it  became 
evident  that  a  vast  expanse  of  land  lay  in  this  direction.  They, 
accordingly,  from  thenceforth  claimed  as  Florida  the  whole 
continent  of  North  America,  including  even  Quebec.  But  this 
pretension,  being  encountered  by  the  rivalry  of  more  active 
European  nations,  could  not  be  enforced ;  and,  at  no  distant 
period,  another  sway  and  other  names  were  established  over 
nearly  the  whole  of  this  vast  range  of  territory. 


EXPEDITION  OF  (iOMEZ.  29 

The  knowledge,  however,  that  such  countries  existed  was 
turned  to  a  cruel  account  by  Spanish  avidity.  Slaves,  to  culti 
vate  the  rich  soil  of  the  Antilles,  became  an  early  object  of 
demand,  and  could  be  procured  from  these  savage  coasts  :  hence 
a  company  was  formed,  and  Lucas  Vazquez  de  Ayllon  was  sent 
with  two  ships  on  this  nefarious  mission.  He  reached  South 
Carolina,  entered  the  river  Combahee,  which  he  named  Jordan, 
and  experienced  the  usual  facility  of  a  stranger,  in  opening  a 
friendly  intercourse  with  the  natives.  After  the  usual  inter 
change  of  visits  and  friendship,  they  were  easily  lured  in  crowds 
on  board  the  vessel ;  when,  in  the  height  of  their  confidence, 
the  treacherous  Spaniards  set  sail,  and  stood  for  the  West  Indies. 
Yet  the  crime  was  nearly  abortive; — one  of  the  ships  sunk,  and 
sickness  thinned  greatly  the  number  of  captives  in  the  other. 

Another  expedition,  with  a  more  legitimate  design,  was  un 
dertaken  by  Stephen  Gomez,  a  Portuguese,  who  had  been  a 
companion  of  the  great  Magellan.  Between  the  countries 
hitherto  explored  and  Baccalaos,  or  the  Codfish  Island,  as  New 
foundland  was  then  termed,  there  extended  a  vast  space,  within 
which  there  might  still  exist  the  eagerly  desired  passage  to 
Hindostan.  Gomez,  employed  by  the  council  of  the  Indies, 
appears  by  the  meagre  narratives  extant  to  have  sailed  north 
ward  to  the  latitudes  of  403  and  41°.  He  consequently  dis 
covered  New  York,  and  part  of  New  England,  which  are 
designated  in  early  Spanish  maps  as  the  "  Land  of  Gomez." 
Finding  the  continuity  of  coast  still  unbroken,  he  gave  up  the 
pursuit,  but  endeavoured  to  compensate  his  failure  by  the  mea 
sure,  not  only  unauthorized,  but  expressly  prohibited,  of  enslav 
ing  a  number  of  the  natives, — a  step  which  served  only  to 
increase  the  ridicule  attached  to  the  abortive  issue  of  an  expe 
dition  from  which  very  sanguine  hopes  had  been  cherished. 

Meantime  the  attention  of  mankind  was  almost  wholly  en 
grossed  by  the  exploits  of  Cortez  in  Mexico,  a  region  so  vast, 
that  it  might  almost  be  called  an  empire,  and  abounding  beyond 
any  yet  known  in  the  precious  metals.  With  reference  to  his 
3* 


30  EXPEDITION  OF  NARVAEZ. 

success,  a  desire  naturally  arose  to  effect  a  similar  achievement 
elsewhere.  Florida  was  as  extensive  ;  and  no  reason  was  yet 
known  why  it  should  not  be  equally  rich.  Pamphilo  de  Nar 
vaez,  the  unfortunate  rival  of  Cortez,  first  sought  it  as  a  theatre 
of  glory  and  wealth.  He  had  been  employed  by  the  governor 
of  Cuba  to  seize  and  supersede  that  chief,  whom  he  equalled  in 
valour,  but  by  no  means  in  prudence  and  conduct.  He  was 
surprised,  wounded,  and  completely  defeated,  upon  which  most 
of  his  troops  went  over  to  his  adversary.  He  possessed  still, 
however,  sufficient  influence  to  obtain  the  means  of  trying  his 
fortune  on  another  field.  He  was  invested  in  Spain  with  the 
title  of  adelantado  of  Florida,  which  included  the  functions  of 
general  and  governor,  giving  authority  at  once  to  conquer  and 
rule  that  territory. 

Narvaez,  in  June  1527,  sailed  from  St.  Lucar,  with  an  arma 
ment  of  five  vessels  and  600  men.  At  Dominica,  however,  140 
of  the  number  were  induced,  by  promises  held  out  by  the  set 
tlers,  and  probably  by  a  dread  of  what  they  might  encounter, 
to  stop  short.  The  commander  then  proceeded  to  complete  his 
equipments  at  St.  Jago  de  Cuba  ;  but,  being  there  assailed  by  a 
tremendous  hurricane,  which  shattered  all  and  completely  de 
stroyed  one  of  the  vessels,  his  force  was  reduced  to  400  men 
and  eighty  horses. 

On  the  20th  February,  1528,  with  his  four  remaining  ships, 
he  set  sail,  and  after  coasting  along  Cuba,  where  he  suffered 
severely  from  a  violent  tempest,  left  the  Havanna  for  Florida. 
He  landed  in  April  at  a  point  difficult  to  ascertain,  but  probably 
near  the  Bay  of  Spiritu  Santo,  wrhere  was  a  village  of  some  im 
portance,  with  a  house  large  enough  to  contain  300  persons. 
Narvaez,  in  the  usual  domineering  manner  of  his  countrymen, 
hoisted  the  emperor's  standard,  demanding  to  it  implicit  sub 
mission.  The  natives  used  at  once  entreaties  and  threats  to 
induce  the  Spaniards  to  depart ;  and  when  these  failed,  they 
retreated  into  the  interior.  At  another  village  there  was  found 
a  number  of  ornamented  chests  for  the  interment  of  the  dead, 


MARCH  TO  APPALACHEN.  31 

which  being  fancied  to  imply  something  idolatrous,  were,  with 
their  contents,  reduced  to  ashes  ;  a  proceeding  which  must  have 
deeply  imbittered  the  minds  of  the  Indians.  The  view  of  some 
rich  cloths,  and  particularly  of  golden  ornaments,  continued  to 
feed  the  extravagant  hopes  of  the  invaders. 

It  was  now  necessary  to  consider  their  course  with  care. 
The  vessels  were  in  an  open  roadstead ;  and  Miruelo,  who  had 
undertaken  to  pilot  them  to  a  secure  harbour,  declared  himself 
out  of  his  reckoning,  and  quite  ignorant  where  to  steer.  A  Ivaro 
Nunez,  the  narrator,  advised  the  commander  to  re-embark,  and 
sail  onwards  till  he  should  find  a  fertile  country  and  a  safe  sta 
tion  to  retreat  on,  if  necessary.  Narvaez,  however,  inspired  by 
that  rash  valour  which  had  already  cost  him  so  dear,  and  with 
the  general  concurrence  of  his  men,  determined  to  push  at  once 
into  the  interior ;  disdainfully  telling  Alvaro,  that  since  this 
step  appeared  to  him  so  perilous,  he  might  consult  his  own 
safety  by  taking  charge  of  the  fleet.  The  latter  indignantly 
replied,  that  though  he  never  hoped  again  to  see  the  ships,  he 
would  rather  share  every  extremity  than  desert  his  brave  com 
panions  or  allow  his  honour  to  be  tarnished. 

On  the  1st  May,  1528,  the  Spaniards,  300  strong,  with  only 
forty  horses — the  rest  having  perished  on  shipboard — set  forth 
to  explore  the  depths  of  this  vast  continent.  Appalachen,  at  a 
great  distance  from  the  shore,  was  pointed  out  as  the  spot 
where  they  would  find  in  abundance  the  objects  of  their  eager 
desire.  Fifteen  days  were  passed  without  seeing  a  habitation ; 
and  their  small  stock  of  biscuit  and  pork  being  consumed,  they 
could  subsist  only  on  the  fruit  of  wild  palm-trees.  Oppressed 
by  toil  and  exhaustion,  they  had  to  cross  broad  and  rapid  rivers, 
in  the  course  of  which  Juan  Velasquez,  one  of  their  boldest  and 
bravest  leaders,  sunk  with  his  horse  and  was  drowned.  Having 
come  to  a  tribe  hostile  to  Appalachen,  they  were  encouraged 
and  furnished  with  guides.  The  road,  however,  was  in  many 
places  mountainous  and  marshy ;  and  the  Indians,  when  ob 
served,  either  fled,  or  met  them  with  showers  of  arrows.  At 


EXPEDITION  OF  NARVAEZ, 


Narvaez's  March  to  Appalachen. 


length,  after  a  fatiguing  march  of  fifty-seven  days,  they  arrived 
in  view  of  a  village,  which  was  announced  as  the  object  of  their 
search.  It  was  hailed  with  rapture,  as  at  once  the  end  of  so 
many  toils,  and  the  fulfilment  of  the  most  brilliant  expectations. 

Alvaro  was  sent  to  take  possession  of  the  place,  which  he 
easily  effected,  finding  only  women  and  children  ;  the  men  being 
probably  on  a  hunting  excursion.  The  latter  soon  returned, 
and  not  a  little  dissatisfied  at  seeing  their  abodes  thus  tenanted, 
discharged  a  volley  of  arrows,  which  merely  killed  a  Spanish 
horse ;  and,  unable  to  withstand  regular  troops,  they  fell  back, 
and  returned  two  days  after  in  a  pacific  guise,  entreating  the 
restoration  of  their  families.  This  was  granted  ;  but  the  seizure 
of  a  cacique,  and  continued  exclusion  from  their  homes,  kept  up 
the  irritation.  They  made  two  successive  attacks,  and,  though 
easily  beaten  off',  retreated  with  little  loss. 

Here  the  Spaniards  soon  discovered  that  the  brilliant  hopes 
which  had  lured  them  were  completely  delusive.  Three  expe 
ditions  showed  the  country  beyond  to  be  rugged  and  marshy, 


MARCH  FROM  APPALACHEN.  33 

with  entangled  forests  and  huge  fallen  trees  encumbering  every 
path.  The  Indians,  though  unable  to  face  them  in  the  field, 
could  not  be  dislodged  from  the  woods  and  bogs,  whence  they 
made  desultory  attacks,  cutting  off  stragglers,  and  causing  great 
scarcity  of  provisions.  The  cacique,  still  a  prisoner,  assured 
the  invaders,  that  the  farther  north  they  proceeded,  they  would 
find  the  inhabitants  fewer  and  the  routes  more  difficult.  In 
quiring  then  what  lay  to  the  south,  they  were  informed  that  in 
nine  days  they  would  reach  Aute,  near  the  coast,  which  afforded 
maize  in  abundance.  So  comfortable  did  this  prospect  appear, 
that  renouncing  all  their  splendid  hopes  of  gold  arid  conquest, 
they  determined  to  proceed  to  the  better  cultivated  country. 

The  journey  proved  more  perilous  than  had  been  anticipated. 
The  marshes  were  very  deep ;  and  as  they  struggled  through 
one,  with  the  water  up  to  their  breasts,  the  whole  body  of 
Indians  rushed  from  an  ambush,  and  poured  upon  them  clouds 
of  arrows.  These  being  very  long,  and  discharged  with  ex 
treme  precision,  caused  many  severe  wounds,  and,  in  some  cases, 
immediate  death.  The  assailants,  tall,  naked,  and  moving  with 
wonderful  swiftness,  appeared  almost  supernatural  beings.  The 
Spaniards  remained  helpless  marks  for  the  deadly  missiles,  till 
extricated  from  the  marsh,  when  they  found  it  still  difficult  to 
keep  the  foe  at  a  distance,  and  were  finally  relieved  only  by  the 
enemy's  weapons  being  exhausted.  They  then  proceeded  with 
out  farther  obstacle  to  Aute,  whence  the  inhabitants  had  fled ; 
but  a  valuable  store  of  maize  was  found.  Another  day  brought 
them  to  a  river  opening  into  a  broad  arm  of  the  sea.  This 
probably  was  the  bay  of  Appalachicola. 

Their  situation  now  involved  not  only  the  extinction  of  all 
their  past  hopes,  but  the  most  gloomy  presages  as  to  their  future 
fate.  Nearly  a  third  of  their  number  had  perished  ;  and  disease 
rapidly  spreading,  quite  unfitted  the  survivors  for  the  long  and 
laborious  march  to  the  ships.  After  much  consultation,  there 
appeared  no  resource  but  to  construct  barks  and  sail  along  the 
coast ;  and  no  task  could  well  appear  more  hopeless  for  men 


34  EXPEDITION  OF  NARVAEZ. 

possessing  neither  knowledge,  nor  implements,  nor  materials  of 
the  art :  it  had  this  only  recommendation,  that  everything  else 
was  utterly  desperate.  They  called  upon  heaven  for  aid,  and 
also  upon  necessity,  the  mother  of  invention.  With  wooden 
pipes  and  skins  a  pair  of  bellowTs  was  constructed,  and  a  man 
somewhat  skilled  in  smith-work  converted  their  stirrups,  spurs, 
and  cross-bows  into  nails,  saws,  and  hatchets.  Their  shirts, 
cut  open  and  sewed  together,  were  formed  into  sails  ;  the  juice 
of  a  species  of  pine  served  for  tar,  the  woolly  part  of  the  palm- 
tree  for  oakum,  and  its  twisted  fibres  for  rope.  The  work  was 
prosecuted  with  such  activity,  that,  between  the  4th  August 
and  20th  September,  five  boats  were  prepared,  into  each  of 
which  forty  or  fifty  persons  could  with  difficulty  be  crowded. 
In  this  plight  it  behoved  them  to  sail. 

After  seven  days,  they  somewrhat  improved  their  accommoda 
tion,  by  seizing  five  Indian  canoes ;  but  at  the  end  of  thirty 
days,  without  means  of  landing  or  refreshment,  they  felt  severely 
the  scarcity  of  food  and  water.  They  discovered  and  debarked 
at  a  village,  w*here  they  were  hospitably  \velcomed ;  but  a  mid 
night  attack  by  hostile  savages  forced  them  to  retreat  with 
great  loss.  Another  populous  place  was  abandoned,  owing  to 
a  quarrel  with  the  inhabitants.  Their  situation  became  more 
and  more  critical ;  the  provisions  drew  near  a  close ;  and  the 
barks,  shattered  by  severe  gales,  could  scarcely  be  got  forward. 
As  Narvaez  pushed  before  the  rest,  Alvaro  called  to  him  for 
orders ;  but  he  replied,  that  the  time  was  past  for  giving  or  re 
ceiving  instructions  ;  every  man  must  save  himself  as  he  could. 
Having  the  best  manned  vessel,  he  was  soon  out  of  sight ;  but 
this  reckless  selfishness  availed  him  nothing,  and  they  had 
reason  to  believe  that  he  miserably  perished. 

Alvaro  sailed  on  with  two  of  the  remaining  barks ;  but  the 
crews  were  so  exhausted,  that  on  the  evening  of  the  fourth  day 
they  fell  down  half-dead.  Happily  next  morning  the  sound  of 
breakers  announced  land,  which  they  reached  in  a  boat,  and 
having  cooked  a  little  maize,  felt  their  strength  and  spirits 


ALVARO.  35 

revive.  Lopez  d'Oviedo,  the  most  vigorous,  mounted  a  tree 
and  reported  that  they  were  on  a  well  cultivated  island,  almost 
resembling  a  Christian  country.  About  a  hundred  natives  soon 
surrounded  them,  and  Alvaro,  not  having  six  men  able  to  rise 
from  the  ground,  could  not  attempt  any  violent  proceedings. 
He  sought  to  gain  them  by  presents  and  courtesy,  and  met  a 
most  gracious  return.  After  two  or  three  days  they  brought  a 
supply  of  provisions,  with  which  the  Spaniards  prepared  to 
resume  their  voyage.  They  began  to  launch  the  boat,  a  labo 
rious  task,  in  the  course  of  which  it  was  found  necessary  to  strip 
off  and  throw  their  clothes  into  the  bark.  But  after  they  were 
afloat,  and  had  sailed  about  two  bow-shots,  a  tremendous  wave 
sunk  it,  with  all  the  clothes,  while  they  themselves  were  cast 
ashore,  half-drowned  and  almost  suffocated.  Then,  indeed, 
their  previous  condition,  deemed  so  miserable,  appeared  almost 
felicity  compared  with  the  excess  of  their  present  calamity. 
They  lay  on  the  sand,  naked,  destitute,  and  hopeless ;  and  as 
they  looked  at  each  other's  emaciated  frames,  in  which  every 
bone  was  conspicuous,  each  felt  sympathy  with  the  others, 
mingled  with  his  own  distress.  The  Indians  came  up,  and  by 
loud  cries  expressed  the  tenderest  pity,  when  Alvaro  proposed 
to  his  companions  to  ask  aid  from  a  people  who  seemed  full  of 
such  humane  and  generous  feelings.  But  several  companions 
of  Cortez,  who  had  seen  their  captive  countrymen  sacrificed  in 
solemn  pomp  to  the  Mexican  god  of  war,  solemnly  adjured  him 
rather  to  abide  every  extremity.  Looking  round,  however,  on 
his  followers,  he  saw  no  alternative,  but  the  inevitable  necessity 
of  otherwise  perishing,  while  the  kindness  and  pity  that  beamed 
in  the  strangers'  looks,  made  it  appear  probable  that  they  did 
not  meditate  any  such  dreadful  purpose.  He  implored  their 
aid,  which  was  instantly  and  cordially  granted.  They  led,  or 
rather  carried  the  sufferers  to  their  village,  kindled  large  fires, 
and  hastily,  in  their  slight  manner,  erected  a  wooden  house  or 
shed  for  their  accommodation,  All  this  care  did  not  abate  the 
panic  of  the  Mexican  adventurers,  who  viewed  those 'measures 


S6  ALVARO. 

only  as  prepatory  to  their  immolation  ;  and  the  customary  songs 
and  dances  of  the  Indians  during  the  night  seemed  to  mark  the 
festal  pomp  of  its  celebration.  The  arrival  of  morning  and  of 
a  good  breakfast  somewhat  lessened  their  dread,  which  was  en 
tirely  removed  by  a  continuance  of  kindly  treatment.  They 
learned  also  that  another  of  their  barks  had  been  shipwrecked 
at  no  great  distance  and  the  crew  cast  ashore,  though  the  two 
parties  could  not  aid  each  other. 

This  temporary  calm  did  not  endure  long.  A  series  of  tem 
pestuous  weather,  interrupting  the  fishery  and  other  Indian 
occupations,  caused  a  severe  scarcity,  which  of  course  fell  with 
peculiar  hardship  on  the  strangers ;  and  it  was  followed  by  a 
pestilential  malady.  Five  Spaniards,  in  a  detached  station, 
urged  by  extreme  want,  adopted  the  dreadful  resource  of  de 
vouring  each  other,  till  only  one  remained  because  "  there  was 
nobody  to  eat  him."  This  shocked  the  natives,  and  gave  an 
unfavourable  impression  of  their  strange  guests.  Suspicions 
were  also  entertained  that  the  plague  was  caused  by  their  magic 
and  malignant  influence  ;  though,  on  its  being  represented  that 
they  themselves  suffered  as  severely,  this  charge  was  with 
drawn.  The  first  feelings  of  kindness  had  however  evapo 
rated,  and  the  strangers  were  tolerated  only  on  condition  of 
performing  the  most  laborious  tasks,  such  as  digging  for  roots 
in  marshes.  They  wrere,  moreover,  called  upon  to  exercise  the 
medical  art, — a  skill  in  which  is  usually  ascribed  by  savages  to 
visitants  in  any  degree  superior  to  their  own  condition.  They 
represent  themselves  as  positively  disclaiming  such  powers,  and 
as  compelled  to  exert  them  only  by  the  intimation,  that  other 
wise  their  present  scanty  allotment  of  food  would  be  with 
drawn.  Thus  starved  into  doctors,  they  began  to  practise  on 
the  Indian  model,  by  blowing  upon  the  patient  and  uttering 
Spanish  words,  which  had  a  mysterious  sound  in  their  ears. 
Their  exertions,  through  the  power  of  imagination,  were  at 
tended  with  wonderful  success,  though  the  professional  fees  were 
too  scanty  to  improve  their  forlorn  state.  Alvaro  found  more 


ALVARO.  37 

advantage  in  a  petty  traffic,  exchanging  shells  and  marine  pro 
ductions  for  red  ochre,  skins,  flint,  and  cane ;  and  he  had  the 
advantage  of  being  able  to  pass  between  hostile  tribes  who 
would  not  otherwise  have  held  any  communication. 

The  Spaniards,  during  the  period  of  famine  and  pestilence, 
had  been  reduced  by  various  calamities  from  eighty  to  fifteen ; 
and  in  the  course  of  the  expedition,  the  Indians,  urged  by 
various  motives,  killed  a  number  of  the  survivors.  Four  of 
the  most  vigorous  undertook  to  find  their  way  to  Panuco,  and 
thence  bring  aid  to  the  others ;  but  not  being  aware  of  its  vast 
distance,  they  completely  failed  to  reach  it.  They  learned, 
however,  the  fate  of  the  adelantado.  Having  landed  the  greater 
part  of  his  crew,  he  himself,  remaining  on  shipboard,  encoun 
tered  a  tremendous  gale,  was  driven  far  out  to  sea,  and  was 
never  more  heard  of.  Those  left  on  shore  perished  by  violence 
or  famine,  which  had  impelled  many  to  the  dreadful  extremity 
of  devouring  each  other ;  and  only  one  of  the  four  returned 
with  these  doleful  tidings.  At  length  Alvaro  persuaded  three 
of  his  companions,  Dorante,  Castiglio,  and  Estevanico,  to  join 
him  in  that  long  journey  to  the  westward,  by  which  they  hoped 
to  reach  the  Spanish  settlements  in  Mexico.  They  were  pro 
bably  little  aware  of  the  great  extent  which  they  had  to  tra 
verse  ;  yet  when  they  pointed  to  the  setting  sun,  the  natives 
assured  them  that  nations  dwelt  far  in  that  direction,  though 
many  deep  gulfs  and  broad  rivers  intervened. 

After  forming  their  resolution,  they  found  considerable  diffi 
culty  in  escaping  from  the  Indians,  who  were  unwilling  to  lose 
their  services.  The  festival,  however,  occasioned  by  the  col 
lection  of  a  fruit  called  tune,  was  celebrated  with  a  reckless 
gayety,  amid  which  they  succeeded  even  in  carrying  off  a  good 
supply  of  provisions.  Coming  among  unkno\vn  tribes,  they 
hesitated  not  to  recommend  themselves  by  the  medical  practice 
/n  which  they  had  been  forcibly  initiated ;  being  aided  «by  that 
/nystery  and  interest  usually  excited  on  the  first  view  of  stran 
gers.  Every  newT  object,  it  is  observed,  was  considered  among 
4 


38  ALVARO. 

them  as  descended  from  heaven  ;  hence  the  wanderers  readily 
obtained  the  reputation  of  children  of  the  sun,  endowed  with 
superhuman  powers.  They  gained  even  the  credit  of  raising  a 
man  from  the  dead, — an  achievement  which  has  greatly  shaken 
the  reputation  of  Alvaro,  though  the  details,  if  narrowly  ex 
amined,  will  not  perhaps  bear  any  proof  of  deliberate  falsehood. 
Being  called  to  a  man  who  had  been  seized  with  sudden  illness, 
he  found  him  with  his  eyes  closed,  apparently  dead,  and  be 
lieved  so  by  all  the  bystanders.  Having  as  usual  blown  upon 
him  and  pronounced  mystic  invocations  without  effect,  he  wras 
hurried  off  to  others  whose  condition  appeared  more  hopeful. 
He  was  much  surprised  to  find,  on  returning  from  his  round, 
that  the  individual  had  revived,  and  regained  his  appetite.  The 
whole  appears  quite  accordant  with  the  supposition  of  a  swoon 
or  temporary  insensibility  ;  and  the  credulity  of  the  spectators, 
both  European  and  Indian,  readily  converted  it  into  a  prodigy. 
Even  in  Spain,  where  the  affair  excited  a  warm  controversy, 
the  most  vehement  opponent  of  Alvaro  admits  the  event  to  be 
not  at  all  improbable,  provided  it  h?4  been  ascribed  to  a  holy- 
priest  instead  of  a  wicked  soldier.  An  anonymous  defender, 
who  faintly  repels  this  last  appellation,  argues  that  such  pre 
ternatural  powers  had  been  bestowed  by  Providence  on  wicked 
men,  on  devils,  and  even  on  beasts ;  devoting  a  chapter  to  the 
"wonderful  prodigies  performed  by  brutes."  Without  going 
deeper  into  this  mystery,  we  may  consider  it  proved,  that  the 
pretension  arose  rather  from  the  ignorance  and  love  of  the  mar 
vellous  peculiar  to  that  age,  than  from  any  intention  to  deceive ; 
and  hence  that  Mr.  Bancroft  has  gone  too  far  in  branding  the 
whole  narrative  as  disfigured  by  "  the  wildest  fictions."  We 
are  not  awrare  of  any  other  statement  bearing  a  supernatural  or 
even  very  marvellous  character ;  and  the  whole  appears  to  ac 
cord  tolerably  well  with  what  might  be  expected  in  such  cir 
cumstances. 

These   powers,  supposed  to  be   thus   beneficently    exerted, 
gained  for  the  Spaniards   general  favour.     They  went  from 


ALVARO.  »        39 

nation  to  nation,  everywhere  preceded  by  this  good  character; 
and,  either  by  accompanying  the  natives  in  their  migrations,  or 
by  procuring  guides  for  themselves,  made  their  way  gradually 
westward.  They  passed  a  large  river,  which  we  presume  to 
be  the  Mississippi,  then  traversed  a  populous  plain,  thirty 
leagues  broad  ;  after  which  they  had  to  cross  fifty  leagues  of  a 
rugged  and  dreary  tract,  being  the  desert  which  intervenes  be 
tween  the  United  States  and  the  Mexican  territory.  Proceed 
ing  still  in  the  same  direction,  instead  of  following  the  coast  of 
the  Mexican  Gulf,  they  \vere  involved  in  a  route  at  once  cir 
cuitous  and  difficult.  Having  crossed  another  broad  stream 
(the  Rio  del  Norte),  they  found  themselves  among  a  range  of 
steep  and  barren  mountains,  being  those  \vhich  extend  over 
New  Biscay,  the  modern  province  of  Durango.  Here  they 
suffered  severely,  both  from  fatigue  and  want  of  food,  regarding 
a  place  where  maize  might  be  found  like  an  island  in  the  ocean. 
Suddenly  they  came  upon  a  native  who  wore  round  his  neck  a 
buckle  and  other  trifles,  evidently  of  Spanish  manufacture. — 
Eagerly  inquiring  whence  these  were  obtained,  they  were  in 
formed  it  \vas  from  a  new  race,  who  came  from  heaven,  rode 
on  horses,  and  wore  long  beards.  Animated  by  the  hope  of 
soon  meeting  their  countrymen,  the  wanderers  proceeded  as 
rapidly  as  their  weakness  would  permit.  They  soon  received 
ample  accounts  of  the  Christians,  though  of  the  most  painful 
nature,  hearing  them  described  as  a  band  of  ruffians,  who, 
wherever  they  came,  murdered,  plundered,  and  carried  off  the 
inhabitants  as  slaves.  The  people  were  fleeing  in  every  direc 
tion,  or  seeking  refuge  on  the  tops  of  high  mountains,  leaving 
the  fine  plains,  to  which  the  party  had  now  come,  desert  and 
uncultivated.  Alvaro  withheld  all  mention  of  his  relation  to 
such  a  race;  but,  by  promises  of  protection,  prevailed  on  a 
large  body  of  Indians  to  accompany  him  to  their  quarters.  At 
length  his  party  met  four  Spaniards  on  horseback,  who  stood 
some  time  in  speechless  astonishment  at  their  strange  attire,  and 
at  their  being  in  company  with  natives.  The  latter  again,  on 


40  FERNANDO  DE  SOTO. 

being  told  that  their  mysterious  companions  were  Christians, 
were  not  only  amazed  but  utterly  incredulous.  Everything  be 
longing  to  the  two,  they  said,  were  opposite  ;  the  one  came 
from  the  setting,  the  other  from  the  rising  sun ;  the  one  were 
armed,  clothed,  and  mounted,  the  other  naked  and  on  foot ;  the 
one  healed  the  sick,  the  other  killed  the  healthy. 

Alvaro  was  conducted  to  Diego  Alcaraz,  the  commandant  in 
this  district,  but  did  not  meet  the  reception  he  had  expected. 
That  chief,  according  to  the  atrocious  system  of  his  countrymen, 
wished  to  make  slaves  of  the  poor  Indians  who  accompanied 
the  discoverers.  Alvaro  vigorously  and  successfully  opposed 
this  iniquity ;  but  he  was  thereby  involved  in  an  altercation 
with  the  commander,  who  indulged  his  resentment  by  sending 
him  forward  over  a  mountainous  and  desolate  tract.  On  reach 
ing  Culiazzan,  however,  he  was  received  in  the  kindest  manner 
by  the  governor,  Melchior  Diaz,  as  well  as  afterwards  at  Com- 
postella,  by  the  Viceroy  Nunez  di  Guzman.  For  some  time  lie 
was  unable  either  to  wear  clothes  or  to  sleep,  unless  on  the  floor. 
At  Mexico  he  was  equally  well  treated ;  and,  having  recruited 
himself  by  a  stay  of  two  months,  set  sail,  and  arrived  at  Lisbon, 
on  the  9th  August,  1537. 

It  could  scarcely  have  been  expected,  after  such  a  series  of 
calamities,  and  the  destruction  of  an  entire  expedition,  that 
Florida  would  have  borne  any  atttraction  in  Spanish  eyes. 
Notwithstanding,  when  Ah  aro  reached  home,  he  found  a  fresh 
and  greater  armament  ready  to  sail ;  new  and  memorable  events 
having  whetted,  more  than  ever  among  that  people,  the  appetite 
for  gold  and  conquest.  Peru,  discovered,  conquered,  and  its 
treasures  grasped  by  a  handful  of  adventurers,  had  given  birth  to 
the  most  brilliant  ideas  of  American  wealth.  Fernando  de  Soto, 
originally  owning  nothing  but  courage  and  his  sword,  had  fol 
lowed  the  fortunes  of  Pizarro,  and  been  a  chief  instrument  in  an 
nexing  to  Spain  that  golden  region.  He  accompanied  the  first 
embassy  to  Atahualpa,  commanding  one  of  the  three  companies  of 
horse  which  nif.de  captive  that  unfortunate  prince ;  and  afterwards 


FERNANDO  i)K  SOTO. 


Fernando  dc  Soto. 

proceeding  to  Cusco,  he  was  active  in  the  reduction  of  that 
imperial  city.  Having  shared  amply  in  Peruvian  treasure,  he 
returned  to  his  country,  laden  with  wealth,  and  with  that  dark 
but  lofty  fame  which  attended  those  memorable  exploits.  His 
reception  was  brilliant ;  he  obtained  in  marriage  the  daughter 
of  the  nobleman  under  wrhom  he  had  first  served,  and  appeared 
in  pomp  at  the  court  of  Charles  V.  Having  accommodated  that 
monarch  with  a  liberal  loan,  he  paved  the  way  for  obtaining  almost 
any  object  on  which  he  should  set  his  heart.  But  he  sued  for 
a  fatal  gift.  His  present  ample  wealth  and  glory  were  prized 
only  as  a  step  to  something  higher ;  having  in  Peru  been  second 
to  Pizarro,  he  now  sought  a  country,  the  honour  of  conquering 
and  ruling  which  might  be  wholly  his  own.  He  had  fixed  his 
eyes  on  Florida.  Charles  was  exceedingly  ready  to  bestow  a 
boon  which  cost  him  nothing,  and  might  place  another  bright 
gem  in  his  crown.  Soto  was  created  adelantado  of  that  pro 
vince,  and  allowed  to  select  thirty  leagues  in  it,  to  be  erected 
into  a  marquisate.  Just  as  the  agreement  was  concluded, 
Alvaro  arrived  with  his  doleful  tale ;  yet  he  is  said  to  have 
4* 


42  FERNANDO  DE  SOTO. 

given  favourable  accounts  of  the  country  itself.  There  was 
even  a  negotiation  for  his  accompanying  the  new  commander ; 
but  they  did  not  agree  upon  terms,  and  he  obtained  a  command 
on  the  Rio  de  la  Plata. 

Soto,  now  gratified  to  his  utmost  wish,  proceeded  to  embark 
his  whole  fortune  in  this  grand  expedition.  As  the  report 
spread  that  he  was  setting  forth  to  conquer  another  Peru,  many 
enterprising  youths  made  haste  to  offer  their  services ;  and  some, 
even  selling  their  property,  embarked  it  in  the  cause.  He 
selected  950  men,  most  of  whom  wrere  trained  to  arms,  and  of 
daring  valour ;  a  force  which,  small  as  it  may  appear,  was 
superior  in  number  and  equipments  to  those  which  had  subverted 
the  Mexican  and  Peruvian  empires. 

On  the  6th  April,  1538,  Soto  embarked  his  troops  in  ten 
vessels,  and  sailed  for  Cuba,  which  was  even  placed  under  his 
command,  that  he  might  draw  from  it  every  needful  resource. 
There  he  spent  a  year  in  preparation,  and  Vasco  Porcalho,  a 
veteran,  who,  like  himself,  had  gained  by  the  sw7ord  an  immense 
fortune,  and  was  living  in  splendid  retirement,  was  so  delighted 
with  the  noble  appointment  and  bold  spirit  of  the  expedition, 
that  he  joined  it  with  a  train  of  followers  and  large  supplies. 
He  was  created  lieutenant-general. 

On  the  18th  May,  1539,  the  adelantado  sailed  with  nine 
vessels  from  the  Havana ;  on  the  25th,  he  saw  the  coast  of 
Florida ;  and,  on  the  30th,  landed  in  the  bay  of  Spiritu  Santo, 
wrhich  appears  to  be  not  very  far  from  the  point  chosen  by 
Narvaez.  A  great  display  was  made  of  religious  zeal ;  twrelve 
priests  accompanied  the  adventurers,  and  provision  was  made 
for  celebrating,  in  their  utmost  pomp,  the  various  Catholic  cere 
monies.  Unfortunately,  Soto  had  not  duly  weighed  the  golden 
text,  "  I  will  have  mercy  and  not  sacrifice  ;"  yet  he  appears  to 
have  gone  with  intentions  somewrhat  more  humane  than  usual, 
determining  to  abstain  from  every  outrage  against  the  natives. 
But  the  rooted  habits  of  ferocity  and  recklessness  of  Indian  life 
and  suffering  could  not  easily  be  repressed :  these  are  indicated 


FERNANDO  DE  SOTO.  43 

even  by  the  provision  of  chains  for  securing  the  captives,  and 
of  bloodhounds  for  hunting  down  the  more  refractory.  To 
obviate  the  scarcity  of  provisions,  so  severe  upon  the  former 
expedition,  he  carried  with  him  a  great  number  of  hogs,  which 
everywhere  found  food  in  those  immense  forests. 

It  seems  an  unaccountable  circumstance,  that  he  should  have 
chosen  nearly  the  same  track  which  his  predecessor  had  tra 
versed  without  discovering  any  of  the  mineral  treasures  in  view. 
The  sufferings  formerly  inflicted  on  the  inhabitants  had  excited 
against  the  Spanish  name  an  embittered  enmity,  which  at  once 
baffled  all  his  good  intentions,  and  produced  a  cruel  retaliation. 
In  the  outset,  he  had  the  good  fortune  to  obtain  the  services  of 
a  countryman  and  guide.  Of  four  individuals,  belonging  to  a 
ship  sent  in  search  of  the  late  armament,  three  had  been  put  to 
death  with  torture  by  a  neighbouring  cacique.  Ortiz,  the 
fourth,  was  doomed  to  follow,  but  that  mercy  which  adorns  the 
female  character,  even  in  savage  life,  interposed  in  his  behalf. 
The  daughter  of  the  chief  first  gained  his  life,  and  then,  on 
that  boon  being  revoked,  enabled  him  to  escape  to  a  neighbour 
ing  prince,  where  she  could  secure  for  him  a  favourable  re 
ception. 

Soto  began  his  dealings  with  Hirriga,  one  of  the  native  rulers, 
to  whom,  through  the  medium  of  some  friends,  he  tendered  an 
amicable  visit.  That  prince,  whom  the  proceedings  of  the 
former  expedition  had  inspired  with  the  deepest  enmity,  replied, 
that  the  heads  of  the  Spaniards  severed  from  their  bodies  would 
be  most  welcome ;  but  in  no  other  shape  would  he  allow  their 
entrance  into  his  dominions.  Having  ventured  an  attack,  and 
being  repulsed  by  Porcalho,  he  abandoned  his  capital,  and 
sought  refuge  among  woods  and  marshes.  The  victor  attempted 
to  track  him  thither,  but  sunk  so  deep  in  mud,  that  he  could 
with  difficulty  be  dragged  out  alive,  and  was  obliged  to  retreat. 
The  old  man  then  burst  into  the  most  violent  ill  humour,  and 
was  heard  muttering  to  himself, — Hirrihigua — Urribaracuxi, — 
declaring  his  abhorrence  of  a  land  the  very  names  of  which  his 


44  FERNANDO  DE  SOTO. 

organs  could  scarcely  utter.  He  finally  resolved,  in  spite  of  the 
urgency  of  the  adelantado,  to  return  to  Cuba,  leaving  a  force 
under  his  nephew,  which  however  was  found  very  difficult  to 
manage. 

The  Spanish  general  now  proceeded  into  the  territories  of 
Urribaracuxi  and  Acuera,  where  he  met  a  similar  reception ; 
the  chiefs  and  people  fleeing  into  deep  forests,  where  he  sought 
in  vain  to  follow  them.  He  endeavoured,  but  with  little  suc 
cess,  to  soften  their  enmity  by  sending  back  the  captives  loaded 
with  presents.  Unfortunately  he  considered  himself  bound  as 
a  loyal  subject  to  open,  in  all  cases,  his  intercourse  with  a  de 
mand  of  homage  to  the  emperor ;  which  those  free  and  proud 
chieftains,  not  without  reason,  treated  as  insolent  and  absurd. 
Although  unable  to  meet  the  invaders  in  the  field,  they  hovered 
round,  and  not  a  Spaniard  could  stir  three  hundred  yards  from 
the  camp  without  being  killed  or  wounded.  Had  Florida,  like 
Mexico,  been  under  one  great  government,  Soto,  with  his  brave 
band,  would  have  beaten  the  army,  entered  the  capital,  and 
been  master  of  the  country.  But  he  struggled  helplessly  against 
a  multitude  of  fierce  petty  tribes,  whom  even  now  the  whole 
force  of  the  United  States  has  proved  unable  to  put  down. — 
They  offered  no  point  at  which  a  blow  could  be  struck,  and 
never  left  him  master  of  more  than  the  spot  on  which  his  army 
stood. 

He  continued,  however,  to  advance,  and  at  length  came  to 
the  fertile  district  of  Acali,  where  the  troops  with  satisfac 
tion  felt  the  ground  firm  beneath  their  feet.  The  prince  too, 
after  some  delay,  met  them,  tendered  his  submission,  and  made 
the  most  flattering  professions.  But  when  the  Spaniards,  who 
were  justly  suspicious  of  this  extreme  cordiality,  were  involved 
in  the  difficulties  of  passing  a  large  stream,  some  hundred  sa 
vages  started  from  among  the  bushes,  and  poured  in  clouds  of 
arrows,  using  the  most  opprobrious  epithets.  The  attack  was 
repelled,  and  the  passage  effected,  with  the  loss  only  of  a 
favourite  dog.  The  prince  made  solemn  protestations  of  inno- 


FERNANDO  DE  SOTO.  45 

cence,  in  which  Soto  placed  very  little  confidence ;  but  follow 
ing  still  his  conciliatory  system,  he  merely  desired  the  youth  to 
take  his  departure. 

More  memorable  events  distinguished  their  march  through 
the  country  of  Vitachuco,  which  was  governed  by  a  prince  of 
the  same  name.  That  chief  prepared  to  resist  them  with  the 
most  determined  hostility,  treating  with  utter  derision  the  asser 
tion  of  some,  that  they  were  children  of  the  sun  and  of  the 
moon,  endued  with  supernatural  powers.  He  announced  to 
them  in  hyperbolical  terms,  that  he  would  command  the  earth 
to  open  and  swallow  them  up ;  that  he  would  poison  the  plants, 
the  rivers,  and  the  very  air.  On  their  approach,  however,  he 
learned  enough  to  convince  him  that  open  resistance  would  be 
vain,  and  therefore  resolved  to  follow  an  opposite  course,  em 
ploying  those  stratagems  in  which  the  fiercest  savages  have 
never  been  wanting.  He  went  courteously  to  meet  the  Spanish 
general,  apologized  for  his  former  conduct  as  prompted  by  false 
impressions,  and  proffered  submission  and  service.  Soto  was 
gained  over,  and,  being  led  to  the  capital,  was  treated  in  the 
most  distinguished  manner.  The  cacique  summoned  his  war 
riors  from  every  quarter,  as  if  to  honour  this  illustrious  guest. 
A  day  being  appointed,  when  both  nations  were  to  muster  in 
warlike  array,  the  chiefs  were  secretly  instructed,  on  a  given 
signal,  to  attack  and  at  one  blow  exterminate  this  detested  race. 
Through  Ortiz,  however,  intelligence  of  the  plot  was  received, 
and  the  Spaniards  were  armed  and  prepared  for  the  onset. — 
Just  when  it  was  about  to  begin,  a  party  of  them  surrounded 
arid  seized  the  cacique.  Yet  the  savage  host,  undismayed, 
rushed  on  with  loud  shouts  ;  and  Soto  having  rashly  galloped 
aito  the  crowd,  his  gallant  steed,  which  had  often  borne  him  to 
victory,  fell,  pierced  by  eight  arrows.  The  rider  was  in  im 
minent  danger ;  but  his  brave  cavalry  soon  rescued  him,  and 
dispersed  the  loose  infantry  of  the  Indians.  A  chosen  band, 
the  flower  of  their  warriors,  plunged  into  a  large  pond,  where 
they  kept  themselves  afloat  by  swimming,  and,  though  the  in- 


46  FERNANDO  DE  SOTO. 

vaders  surrounded  it  six  deep,  refused  to  surrender.  They 
hoped  to  escape  during  the  night ;  but  a  strict  watch  being 
kept,  in  the  morning  they  were  half  dead  with  cold  and  fatigue. 
They  still  held  out,  and  some  who  were  induced  to  approach 
the  shore  hastily  drew  back.  A  few  having  at  length  landed, 
and  being  well  received,  the  whole  by  mid-day  had  surrendered, 
except  seven,  whom  certain  good  swimmers  seized  by  the  hair 
"and  pulled  on  shore.  The  Spaniards  admired  their  fortitude, 
and  by  general  consent  a  pardon  was  bestowed.  Vitachuco 
himself  was  told,  that,  however  disgraceful  his  conduct  had 
been,  it  would  be  buried  in  oblivion ;  and  he  was  even  admitted 
to  the  table  of  the  adelantado. 

Soto,  having  thus  attempted  to  subdue  the  enmity  of  the 
natives  by  conciliation,  ought  to  have  followed  out  his  plan 
steadily  and  consistently.  Unluckily  it  struck  him,  that  some 
penalty  imposed  on  these  proud  Indians  might  deter  others  from 
following  such  an  example ;  and  he  adopted  one  which  appears 
to  have  been  the  most  injudicious  possible.  The  warriors  saved 
from  the  pond  were  distributed  among  this  people  to  be  em 
ployed  as  cooks  and  scullions,  and  to  perform  all  other  menial 
offices.  These  lofty  spirits,  who  disdained  to  execute  any  daily 
task  even  for  themselves,  considered  this  as  the  last  possible  in 
dignity.  Though  the  Spanish  general  intended,  it  is  said,  to 
set  them  free  at  his  departure,  this'  purpose  does  not  seem  to 
have  been  disclosed,  so  that  they  appeared  doomed  to  hopeless 
bondage.  Every  obligation  was  considered  as  cancelled,  and 
the  fiercest  desire  of  vengeance  was  again  inspired.  This  feel 
ing  WP.S  fully  shared  by  Vitachuco,  to  whom  it  appeared,  that 
if  each  Indian  should  kill  his  master,  their  oppressors  might  be 
at  once  extirpated.  The  natives,  though  disarmed,  being  at 
Jnrgr,  and  in  close  and  frequent  contact  with  the  enemy,  their 
chief  appointed  a  signal  at  which  they  were  all  to  start  up  and 
begin  the  attack.  Ai  three,  one  afternoon,  while  seated  at 
table  with  the  general,  he  uttered  a  tremendous  shout,  cracking 
his  bones  in  a  peculiar  manner,  well  understood  by  bis  followers 


FERNANDO  DE  SOTO.  47 

then,  grasping  Soto  by  the  arm,  he  struck  him  such  a  blow  that 
the  latter  fell  senseless  to  the  ground,  the  blood  gushing  from 
his  mouth  and  nostrils.  He  had  raised  his  hand  to  deal  another, 
which  would  have  closed  the  career  of  the  adelantado;  but  his 
officers  instantly  started  up,  and  by  twelve  successive  wounds 
laid  the  cacique  lifeless  on  the  floor.  The  Indians  meantime, 
according  to  their  instructions,  were  brandishing  spits,  pots, 
chairs,  everything  with  which  a  wound  could  be  inflicted. — 
Several  of  the  Europeans  were  killed,  and  many  received  severe 
hurts.  As  soon,  however,  as  they  had  recovered  from  their 
surprise,  they  were  a  complete  overmatch  for  their  undisciplined 
assailants,  almost  all  of  whom  miserably  perished. 

As  soon  as  their  wounds  were  cured,  the  Spaniards  left  this 
fatal  spot  and  marched  towards  Appalachen.  The  Indians,  as 
might  have  been  expected,  carried  on  still  the  same  harassing 
hostility,  abandoning  their  habitations,  fleeing  into  the  most  in 
accessible  spots,  and  leaving  nothing  on  which  a  conqueror 
could  lay  hold.  Their  imbittered  feelings  were  not  softened  by 
the  practice  of  seizing  all  who  could  be  overtaken,  dragging 
them  along  with  chains  round  their  necks,  and  compelling  them 
to  perform  the  most  degrading  offices. 

In  the  approach  to  Appalachen  it  was  reported  to  the  Spanish 
chief  that  he  would  meet  with  more  regular  resistance  than 
hitherto ;  yet  the  place  was  deserted  like  all  the  others,  and 
the  cacique  with  his  people  had  fled  into  the  forest.  As  the 
usual  harassing  warfare  then  began,  Soto  hoped  to  terminate  it 
by  getting  the  prince  into  his  power.  He  learned  the  remote 
spot  where  he  was  kept  within  an  intrenchment  of  successive 
palisades  esteemed  quite  impregnable ;  but  the  invaders  soon 
forced  this  barrier,  and  seized  the  sovereign,  whose  huge  un 
wieldy  bulk  rendered  flight  altogether  impossible.  Being  re 
ceived  with  respect  and  well  treated,  he  could  not  now  refuse 
to  send  orders  that  his  people  should  cease  hostilities.  But 
though  imbued  with  deep  reverence,  they  disregarded  mandates 
evidently  compulsory,  and  eagerly  sought  means  to  rescue  him. 


48  FERNANDO  DE  SOTO. 

He  contrived  to  persuade  the  European  commander,  that,  if 
allowed  an  interview  with  his  chiefs,  he  would  convince  them 
of  his  sincerity,  and  make  them  embrace  his  offers.  Soto  felt 
all  the  delicacy  of  this  arrangement ;  yet  seeing  no  other  hope, 
he  at  length  agreed.  The  meeting  was  fixed  at  a  forest  six 
miles  from  Appalachen,  whither  the  cacique  was  sent  under  a 
strong  guard,  with  injunctions  to  keep  strict  watch  over  him. 
The  place  being  reached  in  the  evening,  the  interview  was  post 
poned  till  next  day ;  and  though  during  the  night  a  circle  was 
formed  around  his  highness  with  every  possible  precaution,  in 
the  morning  he  was  not  to  be  found.  The  guards,  in  utter 
amazement  and  mortification,  protested  that  his  ponderous  per 
son  could  never  have  been  removed  by  human  means,  but  must 
have  been  wafted  through  the  air  by  those  mighty  magicians, 
of  whose  potency  the  natives  constantly  boasted.  Soto  could 
not  but  suspect  that  the  god  of  slumber,  weighing  heavily  on 
their  eyelids,  had  been  the  real  agent ;  but  as  the  affair  \vas 
past  remedy,  he  abstained  from  investigation.  The  Indians, 
however,  got  their  monarch,  and  carried  him  off  in  triumph  to 
a  great  distance,  where  it  was  impossible  again  to  reach  him. 

The  adventurer  found  at  Appalachen  none  of  those  precious 
metals  which  were  the  object  of  his  almost  exclusive  inquiry. 
The  country,  however,  appeared  tolerably  agreeable ;  and  the 
season  being  advanced,  he  resolved  to  establish  his  winter  quar 
ters  there.  Having  learned  that  the  sea  was  at  no  great  dis 
tance,  he  sent  forward  a  detachment,  who  reached  the  place 
where  the  former  party  appear  to  have  equipped  their  ill-fated 
expedition.  He  then  despatched  another  to  the  bay  of  Spiritu 
Santo,  with  orders  for  the  fleet  to  come  round  to  the  newly 
discovered  spot.  As  it  afforded  no  good  shelter,  Francisco  Mal- 
donado  was  sent  along  the  coast  in  search  of  a  commodious  har 
bour.  He  returned  with  the  report,  that  sixty  leagues  to  the 
westward  he  had  found  one  called  Ochus  or  Achussi,  probably  in 
the  Bay  of  Pensacola.  The  fleet  was  then  ordered  to  make  it 


FERNANDO  DE  SOTO.  49 

their  permanent  station,  either  to  secure  retreat  or  as  a  channel 
for  supplies. 

Soto,  however,  was  by  no  means  thinking  of  retreat,  but  was 
busied  in  eager  inquiry  after  some  rich  and  golden  country. 
Among  the  captives  at  Appalachen  were  two  individuals  who 
had  travelled  far  to  the  north-west*  They  were  shown  gold, 
silver,  and  various  precious  stones,  and  asked  if  they  had  any 
where  met  with  these.  They  replied  that  they  had  seen  in 
abundance  a  yellow  and  also  a  white  metal,  which  bore  a  great 
resemblance  to  those  now  exhibited.  The  pearls  were  also 
pointed  out  as  objects  which  they  had  observed.  The  Spaniards, 
in  the  highest  exultation,  and  imagining  themselves  to  be 
approaching  a  Peru  as  rich  as  that  conquered  by  Pizarro,  with 
the  utmost  alacrity  began  their  journey. 

In  the  end  of  March  1540,  the  adelaritado  departed  from 
Appalachen.  Four  days  after,  he  had  to  cross  a  broad  river, 
apparently  the  Snntillo,  continually  harrassed  by  the  attacks  of 
the  natives,  who  succeeded  at  one  place  in  surprising  a  detach 
ment  of  seven,  only  one  of  whom  recovered  from  his  wounds. 

After  leaving  this  hostile  land,  and  intent  only  on  reaching 
the  more  favoured  country,  he  seems  to  have  felt  the  necessity 
of  adopting  a  more  decided  plan  of  conciliation.  He  dropped 
the  demand  of  immediate  submission  to  the  emperor,  which  had 
excited  such  just  and  general  indignation.  At  Achese  the  peo 
ple  still  fled  before  him ;  but  by  showing  kindness  to  a  few 
prisoners,  he  opened  by  their  means  an  intercourse  with  the 
cacique.  Having  professed  intentions  the  most  friendly,  and 
asked  only  a  passage  through  his  territory,  he  met  a  courteous 
reception  and  the  required  aid.  At  Ocutc,  the  next  capital,  he 
experienced  equal  favour;  but  the  troops,  unaccustomed  to  mea 
ger  diet,  were  grievously  afflicted  by  the  failure  of  animal  food. 
A  number  of  fine  dogs,  which  the  cacique  had  presented  to  the 
commander,  were  immediately  killed,  and  devoured  as  a  dainty. 

They  appear  then  to  have  passed  the  Alatamaha,  and  left 
what  is  now  called  Florida,  which  had  been  found,  with  few 


50  FERNANDO  L>E  SOTO. 

exceptions,  a  marshy  tract  of  pine  forest.  They  tillered  Geor 
gia,  called  at  that  time  Patofa,  a  comparatively  fertile  and 
populous  region,  where  the  cacique  not  only  welcomed,  but  made 
the  most  active  exertions  to  serve  them.  He  advised  them  to 
go  to  Coosa.  a  productive  country  in  the  west ;  but  the  guide 
pointed  to  Cafaciqui,  in  the  opposite  direction,  as  the  depository 
of  metallic  wealth.  The  chief  then  gave  them  a  large  body  of 
his  subjects  to  carry  their  baggage,  and  forthwith  took  leave. 
They  passed,  with  some  difficulty,  the  Ogeechee,  a  large  and 
broad  river,  across  which  the  horses  swam.  The  Indian  bearers, 
being  now  in  a  hostile  territory,  began  to  attack  the  natives ; 
they  were  quite  ignorant  of  the  path  :  and  as  they  consumed  the 
provisions,  it  became  expedient  to  dismiss  them.  The  route 
proved  much  longer  than  was  indicated  by  the  guide,  against 
whom  such  rage  was  kindled,  that,  without  doubt,  he  would 
have  been  thrown  to  the  dogs  had  not  his  services  been  still 
needed.  The  stock  of  maize,  provided  for  a  much  shorter  jour 
ney,  failed ;  and  their  distress  would  have  been  extreme,  had 
not  their  swine  produced  a  numerous  progeny,  which,  with 
herbs  and  roots,  kept  them  alive.  They  came  to  a  very  large 
river  (the  Savannah),  but  had  no  means  of  crossing  it.  Parties 
were  sent  up  and  down,  for  some  time  without  success,  till  at 
length  they  came  to  a  village,  and  had  the  satisfaction  to  learn 
that  Cofaciqui  was  on  the  opposite  bank,  and,  moreover,  that 
the  female  sovereign  who  then  ruled  it,  was  prepared  to  welcome 
them.  Ere  long  an  ornamented  barge  was  seen  moving  from  the 
other  side,  containing  a  person  of  rank,  who  proved  to  be  the 
princess.  She  enchanted  them  by  her  beauty,  grace,  and  cour 
tesy  ;  regretting  the  reigning  scarcity,  yet  promising  spacious  ac 
commodation  and  the  necessary  provisions.  Having  a  triple  row 
of  pearls  around  her  neck,  she  untied  it,  and  bid  Ortiz  give  it  to 
the  general ;  then,  at  the  latter's  request,  she  modestly  presented 
it  with  her  own  hand.  Canoes  were  instantly  supplied,  in 
which  the  whole  troop  were  instantly  ferried  over. 

As  soon  as  the  Spaniards  were  established  at  Cofaciqui,  they 


FERNANDO  BE  SOTO.  51 

began  their  won'ed  inquiry  after  the  yellow  and  the  white  metals, 
and  the  princess  caused  specimens  to  be  immediately  produced, 
—  a  sight  which  instantly  dispelled  all  their  brilliant  hopes. 
The  former  appeared  to  them  mere  brass,  with  a  gilded  tint : 
yet  it  was  probably  an  ore  of  gold,  though  so  much  alloyed  that 
they  had  not  skill  to  discover  or  probably  to  extract  it ;  for,  by 
a  strange  omission,  they  appear  to  have  had  no  persons  ac 
quainted  with  the  science  or  practice  of  mining.  As  for  the 
white  metal,  it  crumbled  in  the  hand  like  dried  clay,  being  ap 
parently  mere  portions  of  the  pure  quartz  which  generally  ac 
companies  the  gold  formation  of  the  Carolinas,  and  exhibits  in 
many  places  a  very  brilliant  wrhiteness.  The  pearls  alone  were 
considered  as  answering  in  some  degree  their  lofty  expectations, 
though  the  very  profusion  of  them  might  have  inspired  scepti 
cism.  They  were  apparently  nothing  more  than  good  speci 
mens  of  those  beautiful  bivalves  which  abound  in  the  interior 
rivers  of  the  continent ;  and  though  they  have  never  acquired 
value  as  objects  of  commerce,  are  said  to  display  a  lustre  rival 
ling  that  of  the  pearl-oyster  shell. 

Many  of  the  Spaniards,  pleased  with  their  reception,  and 
sick  of  their  long  wanderings,  expressed  a  wish  to  settle  here. 
The  country  appeared  fitted  to  yield  valuable  produce,  and  well 
situated  for  trade,  being  near  the  bay  of  St.  Helena,  already 
visited  by  Vasquez.  d'Ayllon.  But  Soto  would  listen  to  no 
such  proposal.  His  hope  was  still  to  find  a  golden  kingdom  in 
this  direction,  or,  if  that  should  fail,  the  bay  of  Achussi,  which 
he  considered  much  more  conveniently  situated,  ought  to  be 
their  place  of  settlement,  and  the  point  whence  furtj^r  efforts 
might  be  made. 

The  expedition,  in  the  beginning  of  May,  departed  from  Co- 
faciqui.  The  original  good  understanding  with  the  natives  had 
been  interrupted,  chiefly,  it  is  admitted,  through  the  violent  pro 
ceedings  of  the  invaders  themselves:  Their  leader,  considering 
it  impossible  to  march  through  the  country  without  danger  of 
attack,  took  the  extreme  step  of  seizing  on  his  fair  hostess,  who 


52  FERNANDO  DE  SOfO. 

had  received  him  so  cordially^  and  carrying  her  with  him  as  a 
prisoner.  She  was  well  treated,  but  obliged  to  issue  orders 
that  they  should  be  supplied  with  whatever  her  territories . 
afforded.  She  escaped,  near  the  frontier.  The  narrators  give 
very  indistinct  notices  of  the  general's  views ;  but  his  line  of 
march  being  directed  towards  the  great  auriferous  range  behind 
the  Carolinas,  he  evidently  went  on  information  entitled  to 
some  degree  of  reliance.  It  led  him,  however,  over  branches 
of  the  Appalachians,  through  the  Cherokee  territory,  a  most 
rugged  and  barren  tract,  where  the  party  were  again  exposed 
to  severe  famine.  On  reaching  Chiaha,  probably  Echata,  de 
scribed  as  an  island  from  being  surrounded  by  numerous  river- 
channels,  some  rest  was  taken,  and  inquiries  made  after  a  rich 
country.  A  friendly  cacique  there  stated,  that  to  the  north 
"  there  was  a  melting  of  copper,  and  of  another  metal  of  the 
same  colour,  save  that  it  was  finer,  and  of  a  far  more  perfect 
colour."  Two  Spaniards  with  Indian  guides,  who  were  sent 
in  search  of  it,  returned  after  ten  days  with  accounts  which  are 
very  variously  reported.  According  to  the  Portuguese  authors, 
they  had  been  led  through  a  barren  district,  wholly  unfit  to 
support  the  army,  and  not  yielding  a  single  valuable  commodity. 
Vega,  on  the  contrary,  assures  his  readers  that  they  had  ob 
served  mines  of  the  yellow  metal  formerly  seen  elsewhere,  and 
that  from  the  disposition  of  the  land,  those  of  gold  and  silver 
might  be  discovered,  if  carefully  sought  for.  As  this  account 
corresponds  with  the  fact,  it  is  probably  correct ;  yet  Soto 
quitted,  when  on  its  very  border,  the  only  gold-field  in  the 
United  Jtates,  and  one  which  has  since  proved  very  considera 
ble.  He  ought  to  have  known  that  the  precious  metals  are 
found  chiefly  in  high  and  barren  places ;  but  gold  and  a  rich 
country  were  always  combined  in  his  ideas  and  inquiries.  He 
had  not,  as  already  observed,  brought  any  miners  with  him ; 
and  his  hope  was  to  find*,  not  naked  rocks,  out  of  which  ore 
might  be  laboriously  dug,  but  a  splendid  capital,  like  that  of 
Montezuma  or  Atahualpa,  filled  with  accumulated  treasure, 


FERNANDO  DK  SOTO.  53 

which  would  at  once  enrich  himself  ami  his  followers.  Seeing 
no  prospect  of  this,  he  determined  to  retreat  southward,  and 
seek  supplies  at  his  rendezvous  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico. 

He  came  first  to  Coosa,  on  the  river  so  named,  a  country  fer 
tile  and  well  cultivated,  where  he  stopped  to  recruit  his  fol 
lowers.  Instead,  however,  of  that  conciliatory  policy  which 
had  for  some  time  succeeded  so  well,  he  adopted  one  precisely 
opposite.  On  entering  any  district,  he  made  it  his  first  object 
to  gain  possession  of  the  cacique's  person,  detain  him  during 
their  whole  stay,  and  compel  him  to  issue  orders  for  every  need 
ful  supply.  The  Coosa  prince,  who  met  him  in  the  most  cor 
dial  manner,  was  not  exempted  from  this  injurious  treatment ; 
and  his  subjects,  who  made  vain  efforts  to  release  their  chief, 
saw  him  carried  away  as  a  captive  to  the  extreme  frontier. 

This  system  was  next  practised  on  the  cacique  of  Tuscaloosa, 
a  person  of  gigantic  stature,  fierce  and  proud,  and  ruling  over 
extensive  territories.  He  received  the  Spanish  leaders  with 
lofty  courtesy,  scarcely  rising  from  his  seat,  and  his  indignation 
may  be  easily  conceived  when  he  found  himself  their  prisoner. 
Yet  seeing  no  immediate  deliverance,  he  resolved  to  dissemble, 
pretended  cheerfully  to  accompany  the  strangers,  and  studiously 
supplied  their  wants.  One  or  two  Europeans,  indeed,  myste 
riously  disappeared,  but  he  gave  plausible  explanations,  and 
carefully  concealed  his  deep  purpose  of  vengeance.  At  length 
they  reached  Mauvila  (Mobile),  a  large  town,  strongly  palisaded, 
with  only  eighty  houses,  but  each  containing  numerous  families. 
Soto  was  invited  to  enter,  and  believing  that  his  men  would  be 
refreshed  by  sleeping  under  a  roof,  accepted  the  proffered  kind 
ness.  He  was  entertained  with  dances,  and  every  kind  of 
gayety.  Yet  notice  was  conveyed  to  him  that  the  houses  were 
filled  with  armed  warriors,  collected  from  every  quarter,  that 
the  children  had  been  removed,  and  even  the  women,  except 
those  who,  in  this  warlike  region,  \vere  accounted  "  fit  for  bat 
tle."  The  general  merely  directed  his  followers  to  be  on  their 
guard.  The  immediate  commencement  is  variously  related  ;  but 
o* 


54  BATTLE  OF  MAUVILA. 

in  an  instant  Mauvila  echoed  with  the  yells  of  thousands,  and 
clouds  of  arrows  were  poured  upon  the  Spaniards.  In  this  ex 
igency  Soto  ordered  his  men  to  retreat,  fighting,  to  the  place 
without  the  city  where  they  had  left  their  horses,  for  it  wTas 
only  wrhen  mounted  that  they  possessed  a  decided  superiority. 
This  movement  was  effected,  though  not  without  some  being 
killed  and  many  wounded,  while  the  commander  himself  was 
repeatedly  in  danger.  When  they  had  mounted  on  horseback 
the  natives  could  no  longer  face  them ;  but  the  palisade  being 
still  strong  against  a  force  without  artillery,  some  time  elapsed 
before  a  chosen  body  could  force  open  the  gate.  Even  then  the 
Indians  wjere  found  so  strongly  posted  in  the  houses,  that  they 
could  not  be  overcome  except  by  the  dreadful  expedient  of  set 
ting  the  place  on  fire.  In  a  town  entirely  framed  of  reeds  and 
branches,  the  effect  was  alike  sudden  and  terrible ;  both  armies 
were  involved  in  volumes  of  flame  and  smoke ;  the  natives  rush 
ing  forth,  fell  a  sacrifice  either  to  the  devouring  element  or  the 
sword  of  the  invacter.  Those  who  escaped  into  the  fields  en 
deavoured  to  renew  the  battle,  and  even  their  females  aided  in 
this  extremity ;  but  all  w7as  in  vain,  and  at  length  the  survivors 
sought  safety  in  a  general  flight. 

Thus  closed  the  dreadful  battle  of  Mauvila.  The  loss  on 
the  part  of  the  Indians  has  been  stated  at  11,000:  but  even 
2,500,  the  lowest  estimate,  is  perhaps  exaggerated.  Of  the 
Spaniards  only  eighteen  were  killed,  but  among  these  were  Don 
Carlos  and  Diego  de  Soto,  gallant  youths  and  near  relatives  of 
the  governor.  Many  others  were  severely  wounded,  and,  be 
sides,  the  whole  party  lost  everything.  The  baggage  had  been 
conveyed  by  chained  Indians,  who  were  left  outside  one  of  the 
gates ;  but  the  Mauvilans,  in  their  first  success,  liberating  them 
from  their  bonds,  brought  into  the  town  all  the  effects,  which 
perished  in  the  subsequent  conflagration.  The  discoverers  had 
not  even  a  change  of  clothes  ;  and  were,  besides,  deprived  of 
the  instruments  for  celebrating  the  higher  mysteries  of  their 
religion. 


FERNANDO  f)L  .si  >Y<  >.  55 

Soto  learned  at  first,  with  satisfaction,  that  his  port  of  Achussi 
was  only  thirty  leagues  distant,  and  occupied  by  Maldonado. 
On  consideration,  however,  he  felt  extreme  reluctance  to  exhibit 
his  armament,  and  have  the  tidings  conveyed  to  Spain  of  its 
miserable  and  reduced  state.  He  was  alarmed  also  to  hear  that 
his  men  were  complaining  of  having  had  only  hard  fighting  and 
scanty  fare,  with  none  of  those  glittering  treasures  described 
in  ilattering  terms  by  the  conquerors  of  Peru.  It  was  therefore 
in  agitation  among  them,  immediately  on  reaching  the  coast,  to 
embark  for  Mexico,  where  better  fortune  might  await  them, — 
a  purpose  which.it  would  have  been  difficult  to  prevent.  The 
general  could  not  wholly  conceal  from  himself  the  unfavourable 
result  of  the  expedition,  in  which  he  had  embarked  all  his  hopes 
and  fortunes.  But  in  this  fallen  state,  to  appear  again  in  Spain, 
which  he  had  quitted  under  such  brilliant  circumstances,  was 
felt  to  be  intolerable.  He  determined  rather  to  plunge  afresh 
into  the  depths  of  the  American  continent,  in  the  hope  of  finding 
at  length  some  object  that  might  reward  his  adventure ;  and  he 
still  possessed  such  a  command  over  his  followers  as  to  carry 
them  along  with  him  in  this  desperate  undertaking. 

He  directed  his  march  north-west  into  the  valley  of  the  Mis 
sissippi,  a  region  hitherto  unexplored, —  abounding  too  in  natural 
wealth,  destined  amply  to  repay  culture  and  industry,  but  de 
void  of  the  treasures  which  he  sought.  After  hard  marching 
and  fighting,  he  came  to  Chicaoa,  the  small  capital  of  the  war 
like  nation  of  the  Chickasaws.  As  the  cold  was  becoming 
severe,  he  made  it  his  winter  quarters,  and  attempted,  with  ap 
parent  success,  to  open  a  friendly  communication  with  the  cacique. 
Presents  and  visits  were  exchanged  ;  and  in  the  spring  of  the 
year  the  intercourse  seemed  about  to  close  amicably,  when  the 
general  applied  for  two  hundred  natives  to  carry  his  baggage. 
The  Indians,  who  had  all  along  been  watching  an  opportunity 
for  surprise,  were  thus  induced  to  hasten  their  operations. 
Taking  advantage  of  a  dark,-  stormy  night,  and  favoured  by  the 
treachery  or  cowardice  of  the  sentinels,  they  penetrated  undis- 


56  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI. 

covered  into  the  Spanish  cantonments,  and  set  them  on  fire. 
The  troops,  at  dead  of  night,  were  roused  from  slumber  by  the 
crackling,  of  the  flames,  the  smoke,  and  the  yells  of  the  infuriated 
Chickasaws.  They  might  have  been  entirely  cut  off,  but  that 
the  horses,  seized  with  terror,  and  rushing  with  wild  neighings 
from  place  to  place,  were  mistaken  for  mounted  troops,  and 
struck  a  panic  into  that  undisciplined  band,  who  fled  without 
being  pursued,  The  Spaniards,  on  rallying,  found  that  only 
eleven  had  fallen ;  but  they  had  lost  fifty  horses,  most  of  their 
hogs,  and  such  clothes  as  had  escaped  the  flames  at  Mauvila. 
Even  their  iron  armour  was  damaged,  and  required  some  time 
for  repair. 

No  condition,  certainly,  could  be  esteemed  more  desolate  than 
theirs  now  was.  Yet  they  had  still  bold  hearts  and  hands, 
which  might  have  conquered  a  wealthy  kingdom,  had  any  such 
existed  in  that  part  of  America.  Soto  accordingly  pushed  for 
ward,  till  stopped  by  the  broad  stream  of  the  Mississippi,  called 
here  Chucagua  or  the  great  river.  It  is  accurately  described 
as  above  a  mile  broad,  rapid,  muddy,  extremely  deep,  and 
with  many  large  trees  floating  down  its  channel.  His  passage 
being  opposed,  it  was  twTenty  days  before  he  could  construct 
barges  and  transport  his  men  ;  but  after  passing  through  Aquico, 
the  towns  of  which  had  been  abandoned,  he  came  to  a  fertile 
territory  named  Casquin  (the  Kaskaskias  Indians).  Having 
experienced  such  dreadful  losses  from  the  hostility  of  the  natives, 
he  had  again  recourse  to  conciliation,  and  with  his  former  suc 
cess,  being  most  cordially  treated  by  the  cacique  and  his  people. 
Lured  by  deceptive  reports  of  gold,  he  proceeded  still  northward 
along  the  river  to  Copaha,  a  country  equally  populous,  and 
where  ho  wras  also  wrell  received.  But  as  the  cold  was  becoming 
severe,  he  merely  sont  a  party  northwards,  who,  on  their  return, 
stated  that  they  had  travelled  seven  days  in  that  direction,  and 
had  found  the  country  very  barren  and  thinly  inhabited.  Far 
ther  north,  the  climate  became  intensely  frigid,  and  the  plains 
were  covered  with  such  vast  herds  of  oxen  (bisons)  as  rendered 


FERNANDO  DE  SOTO. 


57 


Soto  discovering  the 


cultivation  impossible.  Soto  therefore  determined  to  make  Co- 
paha  the  limit  of  his  march  northwards.  American  writers  have 
been  unable  to  fix  its  precise  position,  though  it  undoubtedly 
formed  part  of  the  Missouri  state ;  and  the  description  of  the 
country,  as  well  as  of  the  fish  caught  in  the  river,  establishes 
the  accuracy  of  the  narrative.  The  details  as  to  a  long  range 
of  fertile  country,  followed  by  a  tract  of  desert,  along  the  Mis 
sissippi,  seem  to  afford  data  which,  on  an  attentive  topographical 
survey,  might  indicate  the  place. 


58  DEATH  OF  SOTO. 

The  Spanish  commander,  seeing  no  prospect  of  success  in  this 
direction,  contented  himself  with  asking  for  a  fertile  district ; 
and  he  was  directed  to  one  called  Quigaute,  which  appears  to 
be  the  rich  tract  on  the  river  St.  Francois.  It  was  found  to 
answer  the  description ;  but  the  intercourse  with  the  natives 
was  again  hostile.  Learning  that  there  lay  a  mountainous 
region  to  the  north-west,  which  seems  to  be  that  at  the  head 
of  the  White  River,  he  proceeded  thither,  in  the  vain  hope  that 
the  rocks  might  contain  gold.  Disappointed  once  more,  he  bent 
his  course  southwards  in  search  of  a  productive  soil,  which  he 
found  at  Cayas,  amid  the  hot  and  saline  springs  on  the  Upper 
Washita.  Descending  that  river,  he  arrived  at  Autiamque 
(Utiangue),  where  he  resolved  to  pass  his  fourth  dreary  winter. 
After  this  long  and  unfortunate  march,  and  with  his  troops  so 
miserably  reduced,  he  determined  at  last  upon  the  measure, 
from  which  his  mind  had  so  strongly  revolted,  of  returning  to 
the  coast,  and  seeking  reinforcements  from  Cuba  or  Mexico. 
He  therefore  hastily  descended  the  Washita  to  its  junction  with 
the  Red  River,  and  the  latter  stream  to  its  confluence  with  the 
Mississippi,  where  he  found  himself  in  the  territory  of  Guachoya, 
filled  with  a  brave  and  numerous  population.  His  men  being 
now  reduced  to  fewer  than  five  hundred,  and  his  horses,  which 
had  formed  his  chief  strength,  to  forty,  he  could  no  longer  hope  to 
vanquish  in  the  field  a  brave  though  barbarous  foe.  He  was 
obliged  to  employ  art,  to  act  on  their  superstitious  impressions 
by  stating  that  he  was  the  child  of  the  sun ;  and  availing  him 
self  of  their  astonishment  at  seeing  themselves  in  a  mirror,  pre 
tended  that  in  that  glass  he  could  see  whatever  they  did  at  any 
distance,  and  thus  detect  any  plot  which  might  be  formed 
against  him.  He  was  much  concerned  to  learn  that  the  sea  was 
yet  far  off,  and  the  road  thither  greatly  obstructed  by  streams 
and  entangled  woods.  Amid  these  anxieties  and  distresses,  he 
was  seized  with  fever,  which  not  being  treated  with  due  atten 
tion,  closed  in  a  few  days  his  earthly  career. 

Soto  did  not  merit  quite  so  hard  a  destiny,  though  he  was  one 


MOSCOSO.  59 

of  that  bold  bad  race  who,  inflamed  by  the  lust  of  gold,  trampled 
on  prostrate  America.  The  unjust  and  tyrannical  principles  sanc 
tioned  by  false  views  of  loyalty  and  religion,  which  impelled  to 
these  enormities,  were,  in  him,  tempered  at  once  by  much  pru 
dence  and  discretion,  and  also  by  more  than  the  usual  degree  of 
humanity.  Had  not  his  aims  been  frustrated  by  the  nature  of 
the  country  and  the  fierce  valour  of  the  people,  he  might  have 
founded  a  dominion  on  a  better  basis  than  any  of  the  other 
Spanish  conquerors. 

The  troops,  on  the  death  of  their  commander,  were  struck 
with  deep  alarm.  Moscoso,  his  successor,  endeavoured  to  con 
ceal  the  event  from  the  Indians,  pretending  that  the  general  had 
merely  gone  up  on  a  visit  to  heaven,  whence  he  would  quickly 
return.  Lest  his  grave  should  lead  to  other  conclusions,  the 
body  was  carried  out;  at  midnight,  into  the  centre  of  the  great 
river,  and,  with  a  wreight  attached,  sunk  to  the  bottom.  The 
cacique,  however,  politely  intimated  his  consciousness  of  the 
true  state  of  the  case  by  presenting  two  handsome  youths,  in 
order  that,  their  heads  being  cut  off,  they  might  serve  the  chief 
in  the  land  of  souls.  Moscoso,  declining  this  gift,  endeavoured 
still  to  gain  belief  for  his  first  statement,  though  probably  writh 
little  success.  The  party,  meanwhile,  felt  themselves  seriously 
called  upon  to  consider  their  future  plans.  To  reach  a  Spanish 
settlement  by  water,  without  vessels,  pilots,  or  charts,  appearing 
quite  desperate,  they  determined  rather  to  attempt  a  march  to 
Mexico,  not  without  a  faint  hope  of  discovering  some  golden 
region  which  might  compensate  all  their  toils.  They  pushed, 
accordingly,  about  three  hundred  miles  westward,  when,  after 
passing  a  great  river,  the  Colorado  de  Texas,  or  the  Rio  del 
Norte,  the  country  became  almost  a  desert,  and  they  could  not 
make  themselves  understood  by  the  inhabitants.  They  gave  up 
all  hope,  and  determined,  at  whatever  cost,  to  return  and  descend 
the  Mississippi.  On  regaining  its  banks,  they  had,  like  Nar- 
vaez's  party,  to  perform  the  tedious  task  of  constructing  seven 
brigantines.  But  they  fortunately  had  among  their  number  a 


60  CANCELLO. 


sawyer,  four  or  five  carpenters,  a  calker,  and  a  cooper,  and 
these  instructed  the  rest.  The  jealousy  of-the  Indians,  however, 
led  to  a  confederacy,  which  might  have  been  fatal,  had  it» 
not  been  disclosed  by  the  female  captives.  The  rising  of  the 
river  enabled  them  to  avoid  the  danger  by  immediately  setting 
sail;  though  a  numerous  fleet  of  canoes  pursued,  cut  off  a 
detachment,  and  harassed  them  during  a  great  part  of  the  voy 
age.  In  fifty-two  days  they  arrived,  reduced  to  the  number  of 
311,  at  the  port  of  Panuco,  in  Mexico,  where  they  were  kindly 
received  both  by  the  governor  and  people.  They  had  marched, 
in  four  years,  upwards  of  five  thousand  "miles,  through  a  savage 
and  hostile  region.  They  had  achieved  nothing ;  not  having 
left  even  a  vestige  of  their  route,  except  the  track  of  blood  by 
which  it  had  been  too  often  stained. 

The  Spaniards,  when  refreshed  from  their  toils,  began  to  look 
around  them ;  and  seeing  themselves  on  a  desolate  shore,  and  in 
a  state  of  utter  destitution,  bitterly  lamented  that  they  had  quit 
ted  fertile  regions,  where,  independently  of  gold,  they  might 
have  established  a  flourishing  colony.  Schemes  of  returning 
were  even  formed,  but  which,  from  want  of  union,  were  ulti 
mately  relinquished.* 

These  dreadful  reverses  damped  the  zeal  of  Spain  to  conquer 
or  colonize  Florida  ;  but  Cancello,  a  Dominican  missionary,  who 
undertook  to  visit  the  country  with  a  view  to  conversion, 
received  ample  encouragement  from  the  government.  The 
sinister  impression,  however,  attached  to  his  nation,  being 
extended  to  every  individual  of  it,  he  and  his  companions  were 
put  to  death.  The  Spaniards,  notwithstanding,  continued  to 
claim  Florida,  and  even  the  whole  extent  of  North  America ; 
yet  there  was  not  a  spot  in  that  vast  territory  on  which  one  of 
them  dared  to  set  his  foot, 

*  Bancroft,  vol.  i.  p.  67,  quoted  by  Murray  in  his  "  United  States  of 
America,"  from  which  this  account  of  the  Spanish  expeditions  is  drawn. 


Vcrazzano. 


CHAPTER    III. 

FRENCH    EXPEDITIONS. 


same  career 


RANCIS  I.,  a  powerful  monarch,  ambitious  of 
every  kind  of  glory,  was  animated  also  with  eager 
rivalry  of  Charles  V.,  who  derived  much  lustre 
from  his  possessions  in  the  new  world.  He  there 
fore  ardently  desired  to  follow  successfully  in  the 
and  with  this  view  he  supplied  to  Giovanni  Veraz- 
zano,  a  noble  Florentine,  four  vessels  destined  for  America. 
This  chief,  after  being  driven  back  by  a  storm,  was  refitted,  and 
engaged  in  some  successful  naval  operations  on  the  Spanish 
coast  ;  and  it  was  then  determined,  that  in  the  Dolphin,  with 
fifty  men,  provisioned  for  eight  months,  he  should  prosecute  his 
original  design  of  discovery.  After  encountering  a  severe 
tempest,  he  came,  in  the  middle  of  March,  upon  a  coast  which 
Mr.  Bancroft,  with  great  probability,  supposes  to  be  that  of 
6  (6D 


62  VERAZZANO. 

North  Carolina :  and  having  sailed  fifty  leagues  southward  in 
search  of  a  port  without  success,  he  turned  again  towards  the 
north  with  the  same  object.  He  was  once  more  disappointed 
as  to  a  harbour ;  but  seeing  a  fine  populous  country,  he  landed 
in  boats,  and  held  some  friendly  intercourse  with  the  natives. 
He  next  proceeded  in  an  eastern  direction  along  a  low  coast, 
where  even  a  boat  could  not  touch ;  but  a  sailor  swam  ashore, 
and  though  alarmed  by  some  strange  gestures,  found  the  natives 
kind.  A  change  of  course  to  the  northward  marks  the  round 
ing  of  Cape  Hatteras ;  and  a  run  of  fifty  leagues  brought  him 
to  a  fertile  region,  covered  with  rich  verdure  and  luxuriant 
forests.  This  was  Virginia,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Chesa 
peake,  though  no  mention  is  made  of  that  great  inlet.  A  sail 
of  one  hundred  leagues  in  the  same  direction  led  to  a  spacious 
bay  receiving  a  noble  river,  evidently  the  Hudson.  They  as 
cended  it  a  short  way  in  boats,  and  were  delighted  with  its  banks. 
The  coast  then  trended  eastward;  and  after  following  it  fifty 
leagues,  they  reached  an  island  of  pleasing  aspect,  \vliich  being 
of  a  triangular  form,  and  about  the  size  of  Rhodes,  clearly  ap 
pears  to  be  that  named  Martha's  Vineyard.  The  weather 
prevented  his  landing ;  and,  fifteen  leagues  farther  he  found  a 
very  convenient  port,  where  he  had  again  much  satisfaction  in 
communicating  with  the  people.  Though  the  latitude  of  41 
degrees  40  minutes  be  about  half  of  a  degree  too  low,  it  seems 
impossible  not  to  reach  Boston.  He  then  made  a  course  of  one 
hundred  and  fifty  leagues  along  a  country  of  similar  character, 
but  somewhat  more  elevated,  without  landing  at  any  point. 
Another  stretch  of  fifty  leagues,  first  west  and  then  north, 
brought  him  to  a  bolder  territory,  Nova  Scotia,  covered  with 
dense  forests  of  fir,  pine  and  other  trees  of  a  northern  climate. 
The  inhabitants  were  fiercer,  and  carried  on  trade  only  under 
jealous  precautions.  In  a  subsequent  run  of  the  same  extent 
he  discovered  thirty  small  islands,  with  narrow  channels  run 
ning  between  them,  being  such  as  are  known  to  stud  the  north 
ern  coast  of  that  country  and  the  adjacent  one  of  Cape  Breton. 


VERAZZANO.  63 

Lastly,  by  sailing  one  hundred  and  fifty  leagues  farther,  he 
reached  in  50  degrees  the  lands  discovered  by  the  Britons,  New 
foundland  or  Labrador.  His  stock  of  victuals  being  spent,  he 
here  took  in  water,  and  returned  to  France.  He  sent  to  the 
king  from  Dieppe  a  narrative  of  this  voyage.  Ramusio  heard 
from  different  quarters  that  he  had  submitted  to  that  monarch 
the  plan  of  a  colony ;  and  the  general  belief  is,  that  he  was 
again  employed  by  him.  Mr.  Biddle,  indeed,  urges  the  impro 
bability  that  amid  the  disasters  caused  by  the  battle  of  Pavia  in 
February  1525,  Francis  could  engage  in  any  such  undertaking. 
I}own,  however,  to  that  fatal  day,  his  career  was  triumphant ; 
and  there  was  ample  time  to  have  authorized  another  expedi 
tion,  though  there  is  a  total  absence  of  any  positive  notice  on 
the  subject.  Ramusio,  without  mentioning  either  place  or  date, 
states  that  in  his  last  voyage,  having  landed  with  some  com 
panions,  he  was  killed  by  the  savages  in  presence  of  his  crew 
still  on  shipboard.  In  a  modern  narrative,  which,  from  its  full 
genealogical  details,  appears  to  have  been  furnished  by  his  rela 
tives,  Coronelli,  an  eminent  Venetian  hydrographer,  is  quoted, 
expressing  his  .belief  that  the  catastrophe  took  place  off  Cape 
Breton,  in  1525.  In  the  portrait  from  which  our  sketch  is 
taken,  the  inscription  positively  bears  "  Dead  in  1525."  It 
was  engraved  in  1767  after  a  picture  by  Zocchi,  in  the  posses 
sion  of  the  family,  whose  opinion  is  thus  decidedly  expressed. 
Yet  Tiraboschi  has  drawn  attention  to  a  letter  of  Annibal  Caro, 
apparently  directed  to  him  when  living  at  Florence  in  1537. 
There  seems  a  mystery  round  its  fate,  which  we  can  scarcely 
now  hope  to  unravel.  His  descendants  probably  still  continue 
to  enjoy  distinction  at  Florence,  having,  in  1770,  an  estate  in 
its  vicinity  named  Verazzano.  There  is  also  a  portrait  of  him 
in  the  Medicean  gallery. 

Claims  so  extensive  and  so  feebly  supported  as  those  of  Spain 
to  North  America  were  not  likely  to  remain  long  undisputed. 
Other  European  nations  were  then  rapidly  advancing  in  mari 
time  skill  and  enterprise,  among  whom  for  some  time  France 


64  COLIGNI. 


Coligni. 

took  the  lead.  The  defeat  and  captivity  of  the.  king,  followed 
by  a  humiliating  peace,  naturally  diverted  his  mind  from  distant 
enterprises,  especially  such  as  would  have  been  considered  hos 
tile  by  his  rival  Charles.  The  troubles  which  agitated  the 
country  after  his  death  were  also  unfavourable  to  such  under 
takings:  nevertheless,  the  spirit  of  adventure  was  cherished 
among  the  people,  especially  the  Huguenots,  an  industrious 
class,  who  almost  alone  raised  her  commerce  and  manufactures 
to  a  flourishing  condition.  Rouen,  Dieppe,  and  above  all, 
Rochelle,  ranked  with  the  greatest  havens  in  Europe.  Admiral 
Coligni,  one  of  the  leaders  in  that  eventful  time,  formed  the 
scheme  of  a  transatlantic  settlement,  which  might  at  once  ex 
tend  the  resources  of  this  country,  and  afford  an  asylum  to  his 
Protestant  brethern.  While  the  civil  war  was  yet  only  impend 
ing,  he  enjoyed  intervals  of  favour  at  court,  which  enabled  him 
to  obtain  permission,  first  to  establish  one  in  Brazil ;  and  when 


K1BAULT.  6<3 

that  proved  unfortunate,  to  plant  another  in  Florida.  He  fitted 
out  two  vessels  in  156:2,  and  placed  them  under  John  Ribault 
of  Dieppe,  a  seaman  of  experience*  The  object  was  to  reach 
the  mouth  of  the  river  called  by  Ayllon  the  Jordan,  now  Com- 
bahee,  in  South  Carolina ;  but,  steering  in  too  low  a  latitude, 
the  discoverers  reached  the  St.  John,  near  St.  Augustine,  in 
Florida.  Proper.  They  were  pleased  with  the  aspect  of  the 
country ;  and,  sailing  northward  to  their  destination,  gave  to 
successive  rivers  the  names  of  the  Seine,  the  Somme,  and  the 
Loire,  which  have  not  adhered  to  them.  On  reaching  Port 
Royal,  they  were  so  delighted  with  its  noble  harbour,  the  mag 
nificent  trees  and  beautiful  shrubs,  that  they  determined  to 
choose  it  for  the  site  of  their  colony.  Having  seen  a  fort 
erected,  and, the  settlement  in  a  promising  state,  Ribault  left 
twenty-six  men,  and  returned  to  France  for  reinforcements  and 
supplies.  This  seems  an  imprudent  step.  The  establishment, 
in  its  unsettled  state,  stood  in  peculiar  need  of  being  well 
governed ;  whereas  it  fell  into  the  hands  of  Albert,  a  rash  and 
tyrannical  officer,  who,  finding  it  difficult  to  maintain  authority, 
where  all  thought  themselves  nearly  equal,  enforced  it  in  the 
most  violent  manner.  He  addressed  them  in  opprobious  lan 
guage  ;  hanged  one  of  them  with  his  own  hand,  and  threatened 
others  with  the  same  fate.  At  length  they  rose  in  mutiny,  put 
him  to  death,  and  appointed  a  new  commander,  Nicolas  Barre, 
who  restored  tranquillity. 

Ribault,  meantime,  in  consequence  of  the  breaking  out  of  the 
civil  war,  was  unable  to  make  good  his  expectations  and  pro 
mises.  After  long  waiting  for  him,  the  colonists  were  seized 
with  an  extreme  desire  to  return  to  their  native  country ;  and, 
having  no  ship,  they,  like  the  companions  of  Narvaez  and  Mos- 
coso,  resolved  to  build  one  for  themselves.  The  country  af 
forded  somewhat  better  materials,  and  they  constructed  a  brig- 
antine  fit  for  the  passage ;  but  in  their  impatience,  they  laid  in 
a  slender  stock  of  provisions,  which,  during  the  delay  of  a 
tedious  calm,  was  entirely  consumed.  The  last  extremities  of 


66  LAUDONNIERE. 

famine  were  suffered ;  and  one  had  been  actually  sacrificed  to 
preserve  the  rest,  when  an  English  vessel  appeared,  and  received 
them  on  board. 

The  project,  though  seemingly  abandoned,  was  still  cherished 
by  Coligni ;  and  the  assassination  of  the  Duke  of  Guise  having 
been  followed  by  a  peace,  during  which  the  court  endeavoured 
to  soothe  the  Huguenots,  he  obtained  permission  to  attempt  it  on 
an  enlarged  scale.  In  1564,  he  succeeded  in  fitting  out  three 
vessels,  abundantly  supplied,  and  gave  the  command  to  Reno 
Laudonniere,  an  able  officer  who  had  accompanied  Ribault. 
Taking  a  circuitous  course  by  the  Canaries  and  the  West  In 
dies,  he  made  for  Florida,  which  he  chose  to  term  New  France ; 
and  at  Ribault's  first  station  on  the  river  St.  John  (named  May 
from  the  month  of  its  discovery),  the  party  resolved  to  stop  and 
settle.  The  fort  of  La  Carolina  was  erected,  and  expeditions 
sent  up  the  river,  where  small  quantities  of  gold  and  silver  were 
seen ;  reports  being  also  received  as  to  the  mountainous  country 
in  the  inferior,  where  these  metals  abounded.  The  hopes  thus 
kindled  were  quite  illusory,  and  diverted  attention  from  the  solid 
labours  of  agriculture.  Alarming  symptoms  of  insubordination 
appeared  ;  many  of  the  party,  notwithstanding  their  religious 
profession,  \vere  of  a  reckless  character,  and  had  gone  out  with 
the  most  chimerical  hopes  of  suddenly  realizing  a  large  fortune. 
Seeing  no  such  prospect,  they  formed  the  criminal  resolution  of 
seeking  it  by  piracy.  They  confined  their  commander,  and  ex 
torted  from  him,  by  threats  of  immediate  death,  a  commission  to 
follow  this  unlawful  vocation ;  while,  by  rifling  his  stores,  they 
obtained  materials  for  its  prosecution.  After  various  fortune, 
they  were  successful  in  capturing  a  vessel,  richly  laden,  and 
having  tho  governor  of  Jamaica  on  board.  Hoping  for  a  large 
ransom,  they  sailed  to  the  island,  and  unguardedly  allowed  him 
to  send  messengers  to  his  wTife ;  through  whom  he  conveyed  a 
secret  intimation,  in  consequence  of  wThich  an  armed  force  sur 
rounded  the  pirates,  captured  the  larger  of  their  vessels,  while 
the  other  escaped  by  cutting  her  cables.  Those  on  hoard  the 


MENENDKZ. 

latter  being  reduced  to  extremity  from  want  of  food,  were 
obliged  to  return  to  the  settlement,  where  Laudormiere  con 
demned  four  of  the  ringleaders  to  be  executed. 

That  chief  meantime  continued  to  make  incursions  to  the  in 
terior,  and  entered  inU)  various  transactions  with  the  natives,  in 
the  vain  hope  of  arriving  at  some  region  rich  in  gold  arid  silver. 
Neglecting  to  establish  themselves  on  the  solid  basis  of  agricul 
ture,  the  settlers  depended  for  food  on  the  Indians,  whose  own 
stock  was  scanty.  They  were  therefore  obliged  to  undertake 
long  journeys,  without  obtaining  a  full  supply  ;  and  the  natives, 
seeing  them  thus  straitened,  raised  the  price,  disdainfully  telling 
them  to  eat  their  goods,  if  they  did  not  choose  to  give  them  for 
grain  and  fish.  Amid  these  sufferings,  and  no  prospect  of  re 
alizing  their  fond  dreams  of  wealth,  they  were  seized,  as  was 
usual,  with  the  ardent  desire  of  returning  home,  and  shrunk  not 
from  the  laborious  task  of  constructing  vessels  for  that  purpose. 
Amid  their  painful  labour,  they  were  cheered  by  a  visit  from  Sir 
John  Hawkins,  who  gave  them  a  liberal  supply  of  provisions. 
They  did  not,  however,  intermit  their  task,  and  on  the  28th 
August,  l-jG-3,  were  on  the  point  of  sailing,  when  several  ships 
were  descried  approaching ;  which  proved  to  be  a  new  expe 
dition,  under  Ribault,  sent  to  supersede  Laudonniere,  of  whose 
severity  complaints  had  been  made.  He  brought  a  numerous 
reinforcement,  with  ample  supplies,  which  induced  the  colonists 
to  remain ;  but  they  were  soon  exposed  to  a  dreadful  calamity. 

The  desire  of  conquering  Florida,  which  had  never  become 
extinct  in  Spain,  now  called  forth  a  new  adventurer  in  the  per 
son  of  Don  Pedro  Menendez,  who,  having  served  with  distinc 
tion,  and  accumulated  wealth  both  in  Holland  and  America,  had 
there  also  learned  the  lessons  of  cruel  bigotry.  He  became 
amenable  to  the  sentence  of  a  military  tribunal,  which,  however, 
on  account  of  previous  reputation,  was  leniently  executed  ;  and 
to  retrieve  his  honour,  he  undertook  to  equip,  at  his  own  ex 
pense,  an  expedition  to  Florida,  of  which  he  was  appointed 
governor.  While  his  preparations  were  in  progress,  Philip  II., 


68  MENENDEZ. 

having  received  intelligence  of  the  Huguenot  settlement,  pointed 
out  to  him,  as  a  still  more  glorious  task,  that  of  rooting  out  the 
heretics  from  Spanish  America  ;  and  to  enable  him  to  accomplish 
this  object,  three  hundred  troops  were  added  to- his  armament. 
Menendez  sailed  from  San  Lucar  with  eleven  ships  and  one 
thousand  men ;  and  such  was  the  enthusiasm  kindled  for  this 
"  holy  war,"  that  on  his  reaching  the  Canaries,  the  number 
had  swelled  to  two  thousand  six  hundred.  Notwithstanding 
some  severe  losses  by  shipwreck,  he  reached  the  coast  of 
Florida,  where  falling  in  with  three  French  vessels,  and  being 
questioned  as  to  his  intentions,  he  replied,  with  a  fiery  zeal,  un- 
tempered  by  prudence,  that  he  wras  come  to  extirpate  the  Pro 
testants  out  of  the  country.  The  French  hereupon  cut  their 
cables,  and  regained  the  port  with  all  speed ;  but  Menendez, 
having  reconnoitred  their  position,  and  considering  an  immediate 
landing  impracticable,  repaired  to  the  neighbouring  river  of  St. 
Augustine.  He  there  founded  a  settlement,  considered  by  Mr. 
Bancroft  the  oldest  town  now  in  the  United  States,  and  forth 
with  prepared  for  hostile  operations. 

Ribault,  on  learning  the  arrival  of  this  formidable  enemy, 
thought  it  most  advisable  to  become  the  assailant  without  delay, 
before  they  could  fortify  their  position.  This  conduct  has  been 
censured,  but  perhaps  too  much  with  reference  to  the  fatal  event. 
Leaving  Laudonniere  with  eighty-five  men  in  the  fort,  he  sailed 
on  the  8th  'September,  and  arrived  on  the  10th  at  the  mouth 
of  the  St.  Augustine  ;  but  wras  there  overtaken  by  a  tremendous 
storm,  which  drove  him  far  out  to  sea.  Menendez,  concluding 
that  this  expedition  must  have  comprised  the  flower  of  the 
French  troops,  and  that  those  left  in  the  fort  were  few  in  num 
ber,  hastily  formed  the  resolution  to  attack  them.  Selecting 
five  hundred  of  his  best  men,  he  led  them  across  a  wild  country, 
intersected  by  broad  streams,  swamps,  and  forests,  encouraging 
them  to  proceed  by  an  appeal  to  all  the  sentiments  of  honour 
and  religion.  On  the  fourth  evening  the  place  was  descried, 
but  the  night  was  spent  in  the  neighbourhood,  amid  a  dreadful 


MENENDE2  SURPRISES  THE  FORT.  69 

tempest,  which,  while  it  inflicted  severe  suffering,  also  lulled  the 
enemy's  suspicions.  At  daybreak  the  three  gates  of  the  fort 
were  seen  open,  and  only  a  single  Frenchman  outside,  who  was 
lured  into  the  camp,  and  killed.  Menendez  then  ordered  his 
followers  to  rush  forward,  and  enter  before  any  discovery  could 
be  made.  But  a  soldier,  chancing  to  be  on  the  rampart,  gave 
the  alarm ;  though  before  Laudonniere  could  be  roused,  the 
enemy  were  in  the  fort,  and  had  commenced  an  indiscriminate 
massacre.  That  chief,  with  several  companions,  leaped  from 
the  wall,  ran  into  the  woods,  and,  after  wandering  some  time, 
found  a  little  bark,  in  which,  under  severe  want  and  imminent 
perils,  they  made  their  way  to  Bristol.  Spanish  writers  assert, 
that  after  the  slaughter  had  continued  some  time,  an  order  was 
issued  to  spare  the  women  and  children,  and  that,  while  two 
hundred  perished,  seventy  were  saved. 

Ribault  meanwhile,  after  being  driven  Out  to  sea,  saw  his 
vessels  completely  wrecked  among  the  rocks  in  the  Bahama 
Channel.  He  escaped  on  shore  with  nearly  all  his  men;  but 
their  condition  was  most  deplorable,  and  in  endeavouring  to 
reach  their  settlement  by  a  march  of  three  hundred  miles  through 
a  barren  country,  the  most  extreme  hardships  were  endured. 
At  length,  on  the  ninth  day,  they  beheld  the  river,  and  the  fort 
on  the  opposite  side;  but  what  was  their  dismay  to  see  on  the 
ramparts  Spanish  colours  flying  !  Their  leader  made  a  solemn 
pause  before  he  could  resolve  to  place  any  trust  in  men  known 
to  be  imbued  with  the  most  ferocious  bigotry.  Seeing  however 
no  other  hope,  he  sent  two  of  the  party  to  represent  that  their 
sovereigns  were  at  peace;  that,  agreeably  to  instructions,  they 
had  strictly  avoided  interfering  with  any  of  their  settlements; 
they  asked  only  food,  and  a  vessel  to  convey  them  home. 
Their  reception  is  very  differently  reported.  Ac-cording  to  the 
French  it  was  most  kind, .and  ample  pledges  of  safety  were 
given.  The  Spaniards,  on  the  contrary,  allege  that  Menendez 
acquainted  them  with  his  object,  and  the  bloody  treatment  he 
had  given  to  their  countrymen:  but  added,  that  if  they  would 


70  MASSACRE  OF  THE  HUGUENOTS. 

lay  down  their  arms,  and  place  themselves  at  his  mercy,  he 
would  do  with  them  whatever  God  in  his  grace  might  suggest. 
We  cannot  however  believe  that  without  some  more  positive 
pledge,  Ribault  would  have  agreed  to  surrender.  Having  de 
livered  their  arms,  his  men  were  conveyed  across  the  river  by 
thirty  at  a  time.  They  were  dismayed  to  find  themselves  bound 
two  and  two  together,  with  their  hands  behind  their  backs  ; 
but  this,  they  were  assured,  was  only  a  temporary  precaution. 
At  length  they  were  drawn  up  in  front  of  the  castle,  when  the 
Spanish  chief  with  his  sword  drew  a  line  round  them  on  the 
sand,  and  on  a  signal  given,  the  soldiers  commenced  the  work 
of  slaughter,  with  every  excess  of  cruelty  and  indignity ;  the 
military  band  playing  the  whole  time,  to  drown  the  cries  for 
rnercy  and  the  shrieks  of  the  dying.  Ribault,  amid  vain  re 
monstrances,  was  struck  in  the  back  and  fell,  covered  with 
wounds.  When  the  work  of  blood  was  finished,  the  assassins 
suspended  to  a  tree  a  number  of  the  mangled  limbs,  attaching 
the  inscription,  "  Not  because  they  are  Frenchmen.,  but  because 
they  are  heretics  and  enemies  to  God." 

This  dismal  tragedy,  when  announced  in  France,  gave  birth 
to  a  mingled  sentiment  of  grief  and  rage,  accompanied  by  a 
loud  cry  for  vengeance.  These  feelings  were  the  more  deep 
among  the  •Huguenots,  from  the  suspicion  that  they  were  not 
shared  by  the  sovereign  Charles  IX.,  who  was  closely  united 
with  Philip  in  relentless  er.inity  to  the  Protestant  name.  Yet 
a  remonstrance  was  presented  from  fifteen  hundred  widows  and 
orphans,  calling  on  him  to  avenge  this  dreadful  deed,  and  vindi 
cate  the  honour  of  this  country.  The  king  made  only  formal 
remonstrances,  and  accepted  a  superficial  apology;  but  there 
was  a  spirit  in  the  nation  itself  which,  independently  of  his  will, 
provided  the  means  of  punishment. 

Dominique  de  Courgues  was  universally  distinguished  in  that 
age  as  a  daring  warrior.  He  had  fought  successfully  both 
against  the  Spaniards  and  the  Turks,  by  the  former  of  whom 
he  had  been  held  some  time  a  prisoner,  treated  with  the  utmost 


EXPEDITION  OF  DE  GOURGUES.  ?i 

indignity,  and  compelled  to  work  as  a  galley  slave.  On  receiv 
ing  intelligence  of  the  Floridan  catastrophe,  his  own  wrongs, 
together  with  those  of  his  countrymen,  took  full  possession  of  his 
mind  ;  and  lie  deu>ted  his  whole  energies  to  the  work  of  ven 
geance.  J$y  selling  his  little  property,  and  borrowing  from 
friends,  he  equipped  three  ships,  with  two  hundred  and  thirty 
soldiers  and  sailors,  mostly  chosen  adherents,  who  had  often 
conquered  along  with  him.  Carefully  concealing  his  ohject,  he 
obtained  a  license  for  the  slave  trade,  and  sailed  on  the  i2:M 
August,  1567  ;  but  on  approaching  the  Cape  de  Verd  islands, 
he  changed  his  course,  and  stood  across  the  Atlantic.  It  was 
not  before  reaching  the  western  point  of  Cuba,  that  he  unfolded 
to  the  whole  party  their  dreadful  destination.  Some  were 
disposed  to  shrink  ;  but,  being  persuaded  by  the  rest,  they  at 
length  joined  in  a  unanimous  consent. 

De  Gourgues,  in  sailing  along  the  coast  of  Florida,  passed 
imprudently  near  to  San  Matheo,  of  which  he  was  warned  by 
his  squadron,  who  had  found  themselves  saluted  as  Spaniards ; 
whereupon  he  hastened  to  another  river,  fifteen  leagues  distant, 
and  landed  as  secretly  as  possible.  Finding  the  natives  as  usual 
imbued  with  deadly  hostility  towards  the  subjects  of  Philip,  he 
engaged  their  co-operation  ;  and  learning  that  the  enemy  had 
built  two  small  forts,  he  made  a  rapid  march  and  spent  the  night 
at  a  short  distance  from  them.  In  the  morning,  he  was  alarmed 
to  see  the  whole  garrison  in  motion  on  the  ramparts  ;  but  they 
had  assembled  from  some  accidental  cause,  and  soon  withdicw. 
The  French  then  advanced  through  a  thick  wood,  which  brought 
them  almost  close  to  one  of  the  smaller  forts.  On  emerging 
from  the  forest  they  were  seen,  the  alarm  was  given,  and  tvo 
guns  fired;  but,  rushing  forward -with  wild  impetuosity,  they 
scaled  the  ramparts,  an  Indian  chief  being  foremost.  The  garri 
son,  seized  with  terror,  ran  out  in  every  direction,  and  were 
nearly  all  killed  or  taken.  Those  in  the  next  station  followed 
their  example  and  soon  shared  their  fate :  but  the  main  fortress 
was  still  untouched,  and  defended  by  troops  far  more  numerous 


72  RETALIATION  BY  DE  GOURGUES. 

than  the  assailants.  A  small  party,  however,  having  rashly  sal 
lied  out,  were  surrounded  and  nearly  cut  off;  whereupon  the 
whole  body,  struck  with  the  general  panic,  at  once  abandoned 
their  stronghold,  and  sought  safety  in  the  woods.  Being  eagerly 
pursued,  most  of  them  were  taken;  and  De  Gourgues  had  given 
strict  orders  to  bring  in  as  many  alive  as  possible.  He  then  led 
them  all  together  to  the  fatal  tree  on  which  the  remains  of  his 
slaughtered  countrymen  yet  hung,  and  having  upbraided  them 
in  the  strongest  terms  for  their  treachery  and  cruelty,  he 
hanged  them  all ;  suspending  a  number  of  their  bodies  on  the 
same  trunk,  and  substituting  the  following  inscription:  — "  Not 
because  they  are  Spaniards,  but  because  they  are  traitors^  rob 
bers,  and  murderers"  Had  this  execution  been  confined  to  a 
few  of  the  ringleaders,  it  might  have  been  held  as  a  just  retri 
bution  ;  but  being  inflicted  on  so  large  a  scale,  it  almost  rivalled 
the  atrocity  which  it  was  meant  to  avenge. 

De  Gourgues  had  not  come  with  any  intention  of  settlement. 
Embarking,  therefore,  with  whatever  was  Valuable  in  the  forts, 
he  sailed  for  Rochelle,  and  was  received  in  that  Protestant  capi 
tal  with  the  loudest  acclamations.  His  reception  at  Bordeaux 
was  equally  flattering  ;  but  it  was  very  different  at  Paris,  where 
Charles  showed  no  little  inclination  to  transmit  his  head  to  Phi 
lip,  who  loudly  demanded  it.  Steps  were  even  taken  for  bring 
ing  him  to  trial ;  but  they  were  found  so  excessively  unpopular, 
that  it  was  deemed  expedient  to  withdraw  them,  and  allow  him 
to  retire  into  Normandy, 


f-    / 


Caj  tain  Juliu  SmiM 


CHAPTER    IV. 

SETTLEMENT    OF    VIRGINIA, 

HE  government  of  Great  Britain,  notwithstand 
ing  the  claims  derived  from  the  important  dis 
covery  of  Cabot,  held,  for  a  long  time,  by  no 
means  the  foremost  place  in  American  coloniza 
tion.  She  was  surpassed,  not  by  Spain  only,  but 
even  by  France.  Through  the  voyages  of  Verazzaho,  Cartier, 
Champlain,  and  others,  the  latter  kingdom  acquired  extensive 
claims,  and  formed  some  important  settlements.  But  the  long 
civil  war,  ending  in  the  humiliation  and  downfall  of  the  Protes 
tants,  who  were  almost  exclusively  skilled  in  commerce  and  na 
vigation,  threw  her  greatly  behind  in  this  career  ;  and,  notwith 
standing  some  strenuous  efforts  at  a  latter  period,  she  never 
could  rank  as  a  first-rate  colonial  power.  But  England,  during 

7  (73) 


74  SETTLEMENT  OF  VIRGINIA, 

the  reign  of  Elizabeth,  while  the  two  other  nations  were  dor 
mant  or  sinking,  made  extraordinary  movements,  and  advanced 
with  rapid  steps  to  that  pre-eminence  which  she  has  so  signally 
maintained.  The  queen  indeed,  frugal  and  cautious,  expended 
little  of  her  owrn  treasure ;  but  she  had  the  skill  to  attract,  and 
direct  to  her  own  purposes,  the  vast  resources  of  her  subjects. 
Great  exertions  were  made  by  individuals  and  associations,  in 
cluding  many  of  those  eminent  characters  who  distinguished 
that  age.  Their  attention  was  for  a  long  time  engrossed  by  a 
northern  passage  to  the  East  Indies  round  America.  Sir  Hum 
phrey  Gilbert  first  attempted  colonization  on  a  great  scale  ;  but 
his  expedition,  directed  to  more  northerly  coasts,  does  not  come 
within  our  present  range,  while  its  disastrous  issue  wras  cal 
culated  to  deter  future  adventurers. 

Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  howrever,  undertook  to  found  a  colony, 
which  has  become  the  most  flourishing  in  modern  times.  In 
1584,  he  obtained  from  Elizabeth  a  patent,  conferring  those 
almost  regal  privileges  which  were  never  denied  to  any  one 
who  adventured  his  fortune  in  colonial  undertakings.  He,  and 
his  heirs  for  ever,  were  to  have,  hold,  occupy,  and  enjoy  all 
such  remote  heathen  and  barbarous  lands  as  he  should  discover  ; 
he  might  capture  any  vessel  that  attempted  to  trade  thither 
without  his  license,  unless  driven  by  stress  of  weather,  or  en 
gaged  in  the  Newfoundland  fishery ;  and  in  short,  no  reserva 
tion  was  made,  except  the  fifth  part  of  the  gold  and  silver  which 
might «be  obtained. 

Sir  Walter  determined  to  direct  his  attention  to  a  more  south 
ern  and  fertile  region  than  that  which  had  proved  so  fatal  to 
his  predecessor.  He  did  not  go  in  person,  but  sent,  in  the  first 
instance,  a  small  exploratory  expedition  of  two  vessels,  under 
Amadas  and  Barlow,  officers  of  merit.  They  sailed  in  April, 
1584,  and,  following  his  views,  pursued  their  course  by  the 
Canaries  and  West  Indies.  Thence,  bending  northward,  on  the 
4th  July  they  came  upon  the  coast  of  Carolina,  and  were  en 
chanted  by  the  delicious  fragrance  which  breathed  from  it. 


AMADAS  AND  BARLOW.  75 


The  Indian's  Breastplate. 

They  were  obliged  to  sail  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles  before 
finding  any  appearance  of  a  harbour  ;  the  coast  proved  low  and 
sandy ;  but  green  hills  rose  in  the  interior,  and  vines  grew  in  a 
profusion  which  they  had  never  seen  equalled  in  Europe. 

At  length  they  ventured  to  land  upon  Wokokon,  near  Ocra- 
cock  inlet,  which  opens  into  Pamlico  Sound ;  when,  on  mount 
ing  a  hill,  they  found  with  surprise  that  they  had  been  traversing, 
not  the  continent,  but  the  exterior  shore  of  long  narrow  islands. 
For  two  days  no  inhabitant  was  seen ;  but  on  the  third,  one 
appeared  walking  on  the  beach.  He  was  invited  on  board,  and, 
being  treated  with  victuals  and  wine,  departed  with  every  ap 
pearance  of  satisfaction.  On  his  report,  others  followed ;  and 
at  length  there  arrived  no  less  a  person  than  Granganimeo,  the 
king's  brother,  with  about  fifty  attendants.  They  stood  round 
him  in  reverent  and  deep  silence,  only  broken  by  whispers  from 
four  chiefs,  wearing  headdresses  of  red  copper.  The  audience 
began  with  presents,  all  of  which,  the  prince  intimated  must  be 
delivered  to  himself;  and  this  \vas  followed  by  traffic,  in  which 
they  could  offer  a  number  of  valuable  skins.  The  great  man's 
eye  was  caught  by  a  tin  dish,  which,  suspended  across  his  breast, 
was  expected  to  form  an  amulet  against  all  his  enemies.  For 


76  SETTLEMENT  LV  VIRGINIA. 

this  trifling  article  he  cheerfully  gave  twenty  skins,  each  worth 
about  a  noble.  A  copper  kettle  brought  fifty  ;  so  that  the  trade 
proved  most  profitable  to  the  English.  On  the  island  of  Roan- 
oake,  they  went  to  visit  Granganimeo,  who  was  absent,  but 
his  wife  gave  them  a  most  hospitable  reception.  After  ex 
ploring  the  neighbouring  coasts  and  sounds,  the  navigators 
returned  home  in  September,  with  two  natives,  Manteo  and 
Wanchese,  giving  a  most  flattering  account  of  the  country  and 
people.  They  declared  the  soil  to  be  "  the  most  plentiful,  sweet, 
fruitful,  and  wholesome  of  all  the  world;5'  the  people,  "most 
gentle,  loving,  and  faithful,  void  of  all  guile  and  treason,  and 
such  as  lived  after  the  manner  of  the  golden  age." 

These  reports  kindled  all  that  enthusiasm  which  naturally 
arises  on  any  discovery  begetting  vague  and  brilliant  hopes. 
Raleigh  expended  nearly  his  whole  fortune  in  fitting  out  seven 
vessels,  which  were  easily  filled  with  emigrants,  to  the  number 
of  108.  None  of  the  ships,  indeed,  exceeded  140  tons,  and 
three  were  mere  boats.  The  command  was  given  to  Sir  Richard 
Grenville,  one  of  the  brightest  ornaments  of  that  age  of  gallantry, 
and  surnamed  "  The  Brave."  The  fleet  sailed  early  in  April ; 
but  having  again  taken  the  circuitous  route  of  the  West  Indies, 
did  not  reach  its  destination  till  the  end  of  June.  The  crews 
landed,  and  undertook  an  excursion  into  the  interior,  where  they 
were,  as  before,  well  received  ;  but  the  foundation  of  future 
enmity  was  laid,  when,  on  account  of  the  disappearance  of  a 
silver  cup,  a  village  was  burned,  and  the  grain  removed.  In 
August,  Grenville,  who  had  merely  undertaken  to  conduct  the 
naval  armament,  departed  for  England,  leaving  as  permanent 
governor,  Ralph  Lane,  a  brave  officer,  but  wanting,  it  should 
seem,  that  consummate  prudence  and  discretion,  so  necessary  in 
the  management  of  a  new  colony. 

The  party  seem  to  have  arrived  with  high  expectations,  but 
without  any  fixed  plan ;  and  the  last  thing  thought  of  was  to 
take  up  the  axe  or  the  plough,  though  the  only  sure  mode  of 
obtaining  even  a  subsistence.  Gems  and  metallic  wealth  were 


LANE'S  EXPEDITION. 


77 


> 


Grenville  burning  an  Indian  village. 


always  the  objects  that  glittered  before  them.  Lane,  by  some 
means  which  he  does  not  choose  to  explain,  had  held  as  a  cap 
tive,  Menatonon,  one  of  the  most  powerful  princes,  whom  he 
did  not  dismiss  without  a  large  ransom.  From  him  and  others, 
accounts  were  received  of  a  country  in  .the  interior,  abounding 
in  rich  pearls,  probably  the  same  brilliant  shells  that  misled  Soto  ; 
also  of  a  wonderful  metal  resembling  copper3  but  softer  and  paler, 
and  which  was  formed  into  ornamental  plates.  This  was  proba 
bly  no  other  than  the  gold  of  central  Carolina  ;  but  Lane,  even 
without  suspecting  this,  proceeded  with  a  chosen  body  to  ascend 
the  Roanoke.  The  Indians  allured  him  by  promises  of  aid,  and 
of  having  supplies  of  food  at  regular  stations ;  and  though  his 
own  conduct  might  \vell  have  led  him  to  doubt  their  sincerity,  he 
seems  to  have  suspected  nothing.  The  party  continued  three 
days  to  ascend  the  river,  delighted  with  its  spacious  and  noble  ex 
panse  ;  but  during  this  time  neither  Indians  nor  provisions  were 
seen,  and  all  the  villages  were  deserted.  He  then  observed  to 
his  men,  that  they  had  barely  sustenance  sufficient  to  enable 


78  SETTLEMENT  OF  VIRGINIA. 

them  to  regain  the  settlement;  but  they,  buoyed  up  by  \vild 
expectations,  entreated  to  be  led  onward,  representing,  that  they 
had  two  mastiffs  which,  when  killed,  and  their  flesh  made  into 
soup  wdth  sassafras  leaves,  would  keep  them  alive  some  time. 
They  sailed  onward,  amid  desolation  as  deep  as  ever,  till  it  be 
gan  to  be  broken  by  lights  moving  to  and  fro  in  the  woods. 
Suddenly,  from  their  depth,  a  voice  was  heard,  calling  on  Man- 
teo,  their  domesticated  Indian,  who  immediately  entreated  them 
to  be  on  their  guard.  Presently  a  shower  of  arrows  fell  around 
the  vessel,  though  happily  without  material  injury.  An  eager 
pursuit  was  commenced  ;  but  the  enemy  had  "  wooded  them 
selves,"  and  could  nowhere  be  traced.  There  was  then  no 
option  but  to  return  ;  and  Lane  warned  his  party  that  they  must 
betake  themselves  to  their  "dog's  porridge,  which  they  had 
bespoken."  They  could  not  refuse,  yet  doubts  are  intimated 
whether  a  dish  so  unsavoury  had  ever  been  set  before  human 
beings. 

They  returned  just  in  time  to  prevent  a  general  attack  upon 
the  settlement.  The  report  was  spread,  that  their  God  having 
no  power,  had  suffered  them  all  to  be  either  killed  or  starved, 
which  last  statement  is  acknowledged  to  have  approached  very 
nearly  the  truth.  Their  reappearance  suspended  these  views, 
and  restored  confidence  to  the  small  party  of  their  friends. 
Soon,  however,  the  national  enmity  broke  forth  in  a  general 
conspiracy,  at  the  head  of  which  was  Wingina  or  Pemisapan, 
the  most  powerful  of  the  caciques.  They  had  agreed  to  refrain 
from  sowing  the  adjacent  grounds,  to  destroy  the  fishing  wears, 
and  thereby  to  reduce  the  invaders  to  starvation.  It  was  ulti 
mately  resolved  to  make  a  grand  attack  in  the  night,  for  which 
large  bodies  were  secretly  collected  ;  and  the  design,  being  veiled 
under  a  show  of  the  most  ardent  friendship,  deceived  the  Eng 
lish.  But  the  captive  prince,  notwithstanding  his  wrongs, 
having  been  extremely  well  treated,  had  become  attached  to 
them  and  made  the  disclosure.  Lane,  having  learned  both  the 
destined  time  and  place,  resolved  to  be  beforehand  with  them ;  but 


LANE.  79 

they,  "  privy  to  their  own  villanous  purposes,  held  good  espial. " 
Both  parties  flew  to  arms ;  and  the  Indians,  after  losing  a  few 
men,  fled  into  the  woods.  The  European,  however,  determined 
not  to  be  outdone  in  treachery.  Pretending  not  to  be  aware  of 
Pemisapan's  concern  in  the  affair,  he  solicited  an  interview,  as 
if  to  lay  before  him  his  complaints  against  the  others.  The 
savage  came  accordingly,  when,  on  a  given  signal,  the  English 
discharged  their  pieces  upon  him  and  his  followers.  The  chief, 
though  wounded,  fled  with  rapidity ;  but  being  hotly  pursued, 
his  head  was  brought  to  the  commander. 

The  immediate  danger  was  thus  averted  ;  but  the  enmity  of 
the  natives  was  henceforth  unappeasable,  and  the  strangers 
began  seriously  to  ponder  their  situation.  Of  their  golden 
dreams  they  saw  no  prospect  or  chance  of  fulfilment,  while  ab 
solute  want  stared  them  in  the  face ;  the  supplies  promised  at 
Easter  had  not  arrived  in  June ;  and  they  were  in  momentary 
dread  of  perishing  either  by  famine  or  the  arrow's  of  the  savages. 
Amid  these  dispositions  a  fleet  of  twenty-three  vessels  was  seen 
in  the  offing ;  and  after  some  alarm  lest  it  should  prove  a  hostile 
squadron,  the  joyful  announcement  was  made,  of  its  being  that 
of  Sir  Francis  Drake,  returning  from  his  victorious  expedition 
against  the  Spanish  main.  That  gallant  officer  readily  agreed 
to  give  them  a  store  of  provisions,  a  sloop  of  seventy  tons,  and 
other  small  craft,  with  which  they  might  either  explore  the 
coasts  or  return  to  England  ;  the  latter,  it  is  probable,  being  the 
real  object.  A  violent  storm,  however,  destroyed  these  vessels, 
thus  defeating  the  arrangement ;  and  Lane,  upon  the  earnest 
entreaty  of  the  settlers,  contented  himself  with  obtaining  a  place 
on  board  the  fleet,  by  which  he  and  his  adventurers  might  be 
conveyed  home. 

The  conclusion  that  Raleigh  had  deserted  them  was  quite  un 
founded.  A  few  days  after  this  hasty  departure,  there  arrived 
a  brig  of  one  hundred  tons,  provided  with  everything  needful 
for  their  wants ;  but  to  the  utter  amazement  of  tn*e  crew,  there 
were  no  colonists  to  supply.  After  sailing  about  some  time, 


80  SETTLEMENT  OF  VIRGINIA. 

and  satisfying  themselves  of  the  fact,  they  too  returned  to 
Europe.  This  was  another  hasty  step ;  for  a  fortnight  had  not 
elapsed,  when  Sir  Richard  Grenville  appeared,  bringing  three 
well-appointed  ships,  laden  with  every  means  of  supporting  and 
enlarging  the  colony.  His  dismay  may  be  conceived  wher 
neither  the  vessels  previously  despatched,  nor  one  Englishman, 
could  be  found  within  those  savage  precincts.  He  therefore 
left  merely  fifteen  men  to  erect  a  fort,  and  keep  a  certain  hold 
of  the  country  till  farther  reinforcements  could  be  sent  out. 

All  this  complication  of  failure,  blunder,  and  disaster  did  not 
yet  discourage  Raleigh.  In  April  of  the  following  year,  he 
fitted  out  a  new  expedition  of  three  ships,  and  one  hundred  arid 
fifty  persons,  led  by  John  White,  who  was  appointed  governor, 
with  twelve  assistants,  who  also  perhaps  contributed  to  the  ex 
pense.  Attempts  were  made  to  establish  it  on  a  somewhat  more 
solid  footing.  Implements  of  agriculture  were  provided  :  several 
families  went  out,  and  the  party,  including  seventeen  females 
and  nine  boys,  arrived  in  July,  and  proceeded  to  the  former 
settlement.  Here  a  dreadful  scene  met  their  eyes  ;  the  fort  was 
razed  to  the  ground  ;  the  houses,  though  still  standing,  were 
open  and  tenantless ;  the  floors  overgrown  with  shrubs  and 
weeds,  on  which  deer  were  feeding.  The  bones  of  one  man  lay 
scattered  on  the  ground  ;  while  of  the  rest  not  a  trace  remained. 
After  anxious  inquiry,  it  was  found  that  a  band  of  Indians  had 
surprised  and  burnt  the  fort,  when  the  English,  rushing  out  to 
save  themselves,  were  either  killed  or  chased  into  the  woods, 
where  they  soon  perished. 

White  began  by  soliciting  from  the  Indian  chiefs  a  renewal 
of  their  former  alliance,  promising  the  most  friendly  treatment, 
and  that  everything  which  had  passed  should  be  forgiven. 
They  announced  that  an  answer  would  be  returned  in  seven 
days  ;  and  when  the  time  elapsed  without  being  fulfilled,  he 
determined  on  a  hostile  expedition.  Led  by  Mariteo,  he  at 
tacked  a  party,  and  drove  them  into  the  forest ;  but  was  dis 
mayed  to  find  that  by  mistake  he  had  fallen  upon  one  of  the  few 


WHITE.  81 

friendly  tribes.  He  then  relinquished  farther  proceedings  ;  hut 
all  hope  of  conciliatory  arrangements  was  lost. 

As  winter  approached,  and  the  vessel  was  about  to  return  to 
Europe,  the  colonists  began  seriously  to  view7  their  situation. 
They  could  look  for  nothing  from  the  Indians  but  the  most 
deadly  hostility,  while  the  raising  of  supplies  for  themselves  was 
a  work  of  time  and  uncertainty.  They  therefore  joined  in  an 
earnest  entreaty  to  White,  that  he  would  accompany  the  ship, 
and  exert  himself  in  bringing  to  them  further  aid  and  support. 
He  strongly  objected,  on  the  ground  that  it  would  have  the  ap 
pearance  as  if  he  \vere  deserting  his  own  colony  ;  but  they  in 
sisted,  and  having  delivered  a  written  testimony,  signed  and 
sealed,  stating  that  the  proposal  came  from  themselves,  he  con 
sented.  There  had  been  born  to  him  during  his  residence  a 
granddaughter,  Virginia  Dare,  the  first  offspring  of  English 
parents  on  the  soil  of  the  United  States. 

White  returned  at  an  unfortunate  crises,  when  the  whole  na 
tion  was  engrossed  by  preparations  to  meet  the  Spanish  armada. 
Sir  Richard  Grenville,  while  making  ready  sail  to  Virginia,  was 
detained  for  this  more  important  service.  Yet  Raleigh  con 
trived  to  furnish  the  other  with  two  well-provided  vessels ;  but 
that  officer  imprudently  going  out  of  his  way  in  search  of 
prizes,  in  which  he  was  ultimately  unsuccessful,  had  his  ships 
severely  damaged,  and  was  obliged  to  return.  This  was  suc 
ceeded  by  the  actual  arrival  of  the  grand  armament  in  the  Chan 
nel,  which  for  a  season  banished  every  other  thought. 

Even  after  this  eventful  period  of  danger  and  triumph,  the 
colony  sustained  another  severe  loss.  Raleigh  having  spent 
40,000/.,  nearly  his  whole  fortune,  and  encountered  only  a 
series  of  disaster,  without  any  immediate  benefit  or  sure  pros 
pect,  determined  to  turn  his  attention  to  other  objects.  He 
found  an  association  who,  on  having  his  privileges  transferred  to 
them,  undertook  the  charge  of  supporting  the  settlement ;  and 
yet,  through  the  delays  incident  to  the  change,  White  could  hot 
be  fitted  out  till  1590.  He  sailed  in  May  ;  but,  in  consequence 


82  SETTLEMENT  OF  VIRGINIA. 

of  adverse  winds,  did  not  reach  Roanoke  till  the  middle  of 
August.  Again  the  colony  was  in  a  state  of  utter  desolation; 
though  there  appeared  reason  to  hope  that  it  had  removed  to  a 
more  favourable  site  formerly  projected.  This  was  the  island 
of  Croatoan,  fifty  miles  distant,  in  which  Manteo  resided,  and 
where  he  met  a  most  friendly  reception.  In  that  event  they  had 
been  stipulated  that  the  letters  c  R  o  should  be  carved  on  the 
bark  of  a  tree,  which  were  found,  and  elsewhere  the  full  name 
Croatoan.  A  cross  was  to  have  indicated  a  disastrous  removal ; 
and  this  sign  of  evil  was  absent.  Chests  and  various  stores  had 
been  buried  in  the  earth ;  some  were  entire ;  others  had  been 
discovered  and  rifled  by  the  Indians.  On  the  whole,  White 
concluded  that  all  was  well,  and  began  to  steer  for  the  new 
station  ;  but  meeting  with  some  difficulties,  arid  the  season  being 
advanced,  it  was  very  coolly  resolved  to  make  for  the  West  In 
dies,  trade  there,  and  touch  at  the  colony  on  his  return  home. 
After  coming  out  into  the  open  ocean,  the  wind  was  so  adverse 
to  his  proposed  course,  arid  so  favourable  to  that  for  Britain, 
that  the  latter  was  adopted,  and  he  arrived  at  home  in  October. 

Raleigh  felt  deeply  concerned  in  the  fate  of  his  colony,  send 
ing,  it  is  said,  five  different  vessels,  the  last  in  1602  ;  but  they 
performed  their  duty  ill,  and  all  returned  without  reaching  the 
the  spot.  No  intelligence  was  ever  received  or  trace  found  of 
this  unfortunate  settlement. 

It  would  not  be  easy  to  find  a  parallel  to  this  series  of  abor 
tive  and  disastrous  expeditions ;  for  after  so  many  successive 
colonies,  and  such  lavish  expenditure,  not  a  trace  was  discover 
able  that  an  Englishman  had  ever  set  foot  on  the  soil  of  Vir 
ginia.  It  can  scarcely  therefore  be  considered  a  reflection  on 
British  enterprise  that  it  should  for  some  time  have  paused  : 
and  yet,  by  an  elastic  power,  it  soon  rose  again  from  under  the 
deepest  depression.  In  1602,  a  vessel  sailed,  under  Captain 
Bartholomew  Gosnold,  with  thirty-two  men,  twelve  of  whom 
intended  to  settle.  Striking  directly  across  the  ocean,  he  came 
upon  the  coast  of  Massachusetts  ;  and  after  sailing  onward  some 


GOSNOLD.  83 

time,  reached  a  bold  promontory  which,  from  the  great  quantity 
of  fish  caught  in  the  vicinity,  he  named  Cape  Cod  ;  and  it  has 
ever  formed  a  conspicuous  point'  on  the  American  continent. 
The  crew,  having  merely  touched  the  shores  of  New  England, 
hegan  to  "  trend  the  coast  southerly,"  and  after  passing  some 
dangerous  spots,  named  Tucker's  Terror,  Point  Care,  and  other 
promontories,  they  reached  a  large  island,  which  they  called 
Martha's  Vineyard.  Having  landed,  they  were  pleased  with 
Us  aspect,  yet  sailed  on  till  they  entered  Buzzard's  Bay,  ad 
joining  Rhode  Island,  which  appearing  one  of  the  stateliest 
sounds  ever  seen,  received  the  name  of  Gosnold's  Hope.  Eliza 
beth's  Island,  within  its  circuit,  was  chosen  as  a  desirable  place 
of  settlement.  The  soil  was  clothed  with  noble  trees,  and  with 
underwood,  which,  among  other  valuable  plants,  included  sassa 
fras,  then  esteemed  a  medicine  of  sovereign  virtue.  Some  pulse 
being  sown,  grew  in  a  fortnight  to  half  a  foot.  They  debarked 
on  the  main  land,  which  appeared  "  the  goodliest  they  ever 
saw,  replenished  with  fair  fields."  Having  erected  a  fort,  and 
collected  a  cargo,  chiefly  of  sassafras,  they  prepared  to  return ; 
but  at  this  crisis  the  intending  colonists  were  struck  with  panic 
at  the  idea  of  being  left  with  only  a  small  stock  of  provisions 
on  this  remote  and  savage  shore,  not  without  a  fear  that  the  ves 
sel  might  never  return,  and,  like  former  settlers,  they  might  be 
abandoned  to  their  fate.  Their  companions,  too,  would  thus 
escape  all  responsibility  for  their  share  of  the  cargo.  Under 
these  apprehensions  they  abandoned  the  idea  of  remaining,  and 
went  on  board  with  the  rest. 

Although  this  expedition  did  riot  issue  in  settlement,  it  re 
newed  a  favourable  impression  respecting  American  colonization. 
Hakluyt,  the  indefatigable  promoter  of  discovery,  prevailed  upon 
several  merchants  of  Bristol  to  equip  two  small  vessels ;  and 
Raleigh,  who  still  held  the  patent  extending  over  all  this  coast, 
being  asked  for  his  consent,  readily  gave  it,  signed  and  sealed. 
Two  ships,  of  fifty  and  twenty-six  tons  respectively,  were  placed 
under  Martin  Pring,  who,  sailing  by  the  Azores,  came  upon  the 


84  SETTLEMENT  OF  VIRGINIA. 

shores  of  Maine,  in  43°  N.  lat.,  near  the  bay  of  Penobscot. 
The  coast  was  fruitful ;  but  as  it  yielded  little  sassafras,  he  pro 
ceeded  southwards  till  he  came  into  the  track  of  Gosnold,  which 
he  followed  to  a  bay  in  lat.  41°,  where  there  was  an  abundant 
supply  of  that  favourite  plant.  The  first  intercourse  with  the 
Indians  was  friendly ;  but  afterwards  alarm  was  taken  at  their 
coming  armed  in  large  numbers,  with  a  threatening  aspect. 
Pring  confirmed  the  favourable  account  of  the  country  given  by 
his  predecessor. 

Circumstances  now  appeared  so  promising  as  to  influence  in 
dividuals  of  the  highest  distinction.  The  Earl  of  Southampton, 
one  of  the  most  accomplished  noblemen  of  the  age,  and  Lord 
Arundel  of  Wardour,  fitted  out  George  Weymouth,  who  had 
already,  in  searching  for  the  north-west  passage,  made  some 
discoveries  on  the  coast  of  Labrador.  Sailing  on  the  last  day 
of  March,  1605,  on  the  13th  of  May,  he  fell  in  with  the  Ame 
rican  coast  in  about  41°  ;  but,  to  avoid  dangerous  rocks  and 
shoals,  he  stood  out  again  to  sea.  His  object  was  to  go  south 
ward,  but  the  wind  drove  him  considerably  to  the  north.  Being 
then  in  want  of  wood  and  water,  he  stood  in  for  the  land  ;  but 
found  the  charts  extremely  erroneous,  and  after  proceeding  fifty 
leagues,  he  saw  himself  in  the  midst  of  those  small  islands  which 
stud  the  Bay  of  Penobscot.  At  one  of  them,  in  a  most  com 
modious  harbour,  he  left  the  ship,  and  in  the  pinnace  ascended 
the  bay,  till  he  reached  the  mouth  of  a  large  river.  The  party 
rowed  up  twenty  miles,  and  thought  it  the  finest  they  had  ever 
seen.  Some  companions  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  considered  that 
even  the  mighty  Orinoco  could  not  stand  a  comparison  with  it. 
It  was  navigable  for  vessels  drawing  sixteen  or  eighteen  feet 
water,  and  completely  free  from  rocks  and  shoals.  The  shore 
was  covered  with  fine  forests,  chiefly  of  pine ;  and  the  coast 
was  level,  though  high  mountains  appeared  in  the  interior. 
They  held  friendly  intercourse  with  a  number  of  the  natives, 
and  obtained  valuable  furs  at  cheap  rates.  These  people  were 
astonished  and  awed  by  the  action  of  the  loadstone ;  but  appear- 


WEYMOUTH.  85 

ing  afterwards  in  rather  alarming  numbers,  they  gave  an  invita 
tion  to  land  in  a  manner  so  suspicious,  that  Weymouth  rejoiced 
u  that  God  gave  him  so  much  understanding  as  to  avoid  their 
snares."  We  cannot  but  remark  that  no  unequivocal  act  of 
hostility  was  committed  ;  but  five  of  them  were  enticed  on 
board,  and  with  their  canoe  carried  to  England. 

This  series  of  voyages  conveyed  to  Britain  a  much  higher 
idea  than  had  yet  been  entertained  of  her  transatlantic  dominion. 
It  was  found  to  include  a  range  of  territory  stretching  over 
eleven  degrees  of  latitude,  all  in  the  temperate  climates,  diversi 
fied  with  noble  rivers  and  harbours,  and,  wherever  visited,  dis 
playing  a  luxuriant  fertility.  This  prospect  rekindled  all  the 
enthusiasm  of  enterprise  and  hopes  of  wealth.  An  association 
was  formed  by  Sir  Thomas  Gates,  Sir  George  Summers,  Wing- 
field,  Popham,  with  other  men  of  rank  and  eminent  merchants, 
for  the  purpose  of  colonizing  this  vast  region.  James  I.,  who 
was  fond  of  such  undertakings,  and  had  employed  them  success 
fully  for  the  improvement  of  some  ruder  parts  of  Scotland  and 
Ireland,  was  ready  to  give  every  encouragement.  The  adven 
turers  were  divided  into  two  companies ;  the  one  from  London 
for  the  southern,  the  other  from  Bristol  and  the  west  for  the 
northern  parts  of  Virginia.  The  former  were  allowed  to  choose 
any  spot  between  the  34th  and  41st  degrees  of  latitude  ;  the  lat 
ter  between  the  38th  and  4oth.  Three  degrees  were  thus  com 
mon  between  both ;  but  collision  was  prevented  by  enacting 
that  wherever  one  had  fixed  its  seat,  the  other  should  choose 
theirs  at  least  one  hundred  miles  distant.  From  that  first  sta 
tion  each  company  was  to  possess  fifty  miles  of  coast  on  each 
side  ;  their  territory  was  thence  to  stretch  the  same  distance 
inland,  and  the  same  out  to  sea,  including  all  islands  within  the 
range.  These  terms  deserve  notice,  as  they  seem  to  have  been 
much  misapprehended  by  Chalmers,  Bancroft,  and  indeed  most 
other  writers.  The  coast  was  not  divided  between  the  com 
panies,  nor  had  either  an  exclusive  right  to  their  own  portions 
beyond  the  space  of  one  hundred  miles  square,  which  they  were 
9 


86  SETTLEMENT  OF  VIRGINIA. 

allowed  to  choose.  This  may  serve  to  acquit  successive  princes 
of  the  repeated  infractions  of  the  charter  with  which  they  have 
been  charged.  Within  this  range  the  associations  obtained  full 
property  in  all  the  lands,  natural  resources,  and  objects  of  every 
kind,  with  only  the  usual  exception  of  a  fifth  of  the  gold  and  a 
fifteenth  of  the  copper.  The  revenue  produced  by  fines  and 
light  import-duties  was  to  be  enjoyed  by  them  for  twenty-one 
years,  after  which  it  wras  to  be  paid  into  the  royal  treasury. 
They  were  not,  however,  invested  with  those  kingly  attributes 
which  had  been  lavished  on  Gilbert  and  Raleigh.  James  lodged 
the  government  in  two  councils,  one  resident  in  England,  the 
other  in  the  colony,  and  claimed  the  right  of  appointing  both ; 
but,  having  exercised  it  in  regard  to  the  first,  he  allowed  them 
to  nominate  the  Virginian  members.  He  busied  himself  more 
over  in  preparing  a  code  of  ((  orders  and  instructions,"  a  pro 
ceeding,  as  Chalmers  observes,  decidedly  unconstitutional,  but 
controverted  by  no  one.  The  colonists  and  their  posterity  were 
declared  English  subjects,  yet  were  invested  with  no  political 
rights,  not  even  trial  by  jury,  unless  in  capital  charges ;  minor 
offences  were  punished  arbitrarily  by  the  council.  The  Eng 
lish  church  was  exclusively  established.  Strict  and  laudable  in 
junctions  were  given  for  the  mild  and  equitable  treatment  of  the 
natives. 

The  year  1606  was  spent  in  collecting  funds  and  adventurers, 
which  last  amounted  then  to  one  hundred  and  five,  including 
persons  of  distinction,  particularly  George  Percy,  brother  to 
the  Earl  of  Northumberland.  There  were  also  Gosnold,  and 
Mr.  Hunt,  a  clergyman,  while  Captain  Newport,  an  officer  of 
skill  and  experience,  undertook  the  naval  command.  But  the 
individual  destined  to  exercise  the  happiest  influence  on  the  new 
colony  was  Captain  John  Smith,  who  already,  in  the  Turkish 
war,  had  displayed  a  firmness  and  intrepidity  peculiarly  fitting 
him  for  this  arduous  appointment.  The  fleet  of  three  vessels, 
none  exceeding  one  hundred  tons,  sailed  from  London  on  the 
19th  December,  taking  fcgain  the  circuitous  route  of  the  West 


SETTLEMENT  AT  JAMESTOWN.  87 

Indies,  rendered  necessary  perhaps  through  the  lateness  of  the 
season.  The  arrangements,  however,  had  been  injudicious. 
James,  by  a  ridiculous  caprice,  had  caused  the  names  and  in 
structions  of  the  council  to  be  enclosed  in  a  box,  not  to  be  opened 
till  after  the  arrival  in  Virginia  ;  and  thus  the  crew,  in  going 
out,  knew  not  whom  to  obey.  The  energy  of  Smith,  with  his 
frank  and  manly  bearing,  soon  led  them  to  recognise  him  as 
their  leader.  This  was  envied  by  others  higher  in  rank,  who 
charged  him  with  a  design  to  set  aside  the  council,  to  usurp  the 
government,  and  to  become  king.  On  these  unsupported  charges 
he  was  arrested,  and  confined  during  the  voyage,  and  for  some 
time  longer ;  so  that  his  services,  when  most  wanted,  were  lost 
to  the  colony. 

The  expedition  did  not  reach  the  coast  of  America  till  April, 
1607.  And  in  making  for  Roanoke,  a  violent  tempest  drove 
them  quite  out  of  their  reckoning.  Being  tossed  about  several 
days  without  sight  of  land,  they  became  despondent,  and  some 
even  urged  a  return  to  England.  Suddenly  they  came  in  view 
of  an  unknown  promontory,  which  marked  the  entrance  into  a 
spacious  gulf.  This  was  the  magnificent  opening  of  the  Chesa 
peake,  the  opposite  capes  of  which  were  named  after  the  young 
princes,  Henry  and  Charles.  The  view  of  this  coast  at  once 
dispelled  their  gloom,  and  made  them  rejoice  in  their  enforced 
change  of  direction.  "  They  were  almost  ravished  at  the  sight 
thereof. — It  seemed  to  them  to  claim  the  prerogative  over  the 
most  pleasant  places  in  the  world.  Heaven  and  earth  seem 
never  to  have  agreed  better  to  frame  a  place  for  man's  commo 
dious  and  delightful  habitation."  They  soon  reached  a  noble 
river,  which  they  named  James,  and  after  ascending  and  examin 
ing  its  shores  during  seventeen  days,  they  chose  for  their  colony 
a  spot  fifty  miles  up,  and  called  it  Jamestown.  The  difficulties 
of  treating  with  the  natives  soon  began.  The  very  first  night 
"  came  the  savages  creeping  upon  all-fours  from  the  hills,  like 
bears,  with  their  bows  in  their  mouths."  These  they  dis 
charged  against  the  strangers  and  wounded  two ;  but  as  soon 


88  SETTLEMENT  OF  VIRGINIA. 

as  "they  had  felt  the  sharpness  of  our  shot"  they  retreated 
-with  loud  cries  into  the  woods.  Afterwards  five,  who  were 
met  near  Cape  Henry,  though  showing  some  signs  of  fear,  were 
reassured  by  seeing  "  the  captain  lay  his  hand  on  his  heart," 
and  invite  them  across  the  river  to  the  town.  Their  welcome 
was  singularly  expressed  "  by  a  doleful  noise,  laying  their  faces 
to  the  ground,  scratching  the  earth  with  their  nails."  Mats 
were  then  spread  on  the  ground,  and  covered  with  maize-bread, 
while  tobacco  was  presented,  writh  long  ornamented  pipes. 
They  then  danced  for  the  amusement  of  their  guests,  shouting, 
howling,  and  stamping,  "  with  many  antic  tricks  and  faces, 
making  noise  like  so  many  wolves  or  devils."  The  English 
received  a  pressing  invitation  from  a  great  Indian  chief,  the 
Werrowannee  of  Rappahana,  whom  they  found  rich  in  rude 
ornament,  his  person  painted  red  and  blue,  with  various  embel 
lishments,  seemingly  of  pearl  and  silver,  and  a  metal  which  was 
either  copper  or  gold.  "  He  entertained  us  in  so  modest  a  proud 
fashion,  as  though  he  had  been  a  prince  of  civil  government." 
His  palace,  on  a  hill  watered  by  fine  springs,  was  surrounded 
by  as  rich  corn-fields  as  they  had  ever  seen. 

As  soon  as  the  party  had  landed,  the  box  of  instructions  was 
opened,  and  the  names  of  the  council  were  found,  including 
Smith ;  who,  though  he  was  kept  out  by  the  jealousy  of  his 
rivals,  nevertheless  accompanied  Newport  up  the  river,  as  high 
as  the  great  falls,  where  they  visited  Powhatan,  a  sort  of  petty 
emperor  over  all  the  surrounding  tribes.  Smith  reckons  them 
at  seven  thousand,  of  whom  nearly  two  thousand  were  war 
riors  ;  but  he  never  saw  more  than  seven  hundred  together. 
Powhatan  received  them  well ;  and  when  some  of  his  people 
murmured  at  the  land  being  thus  occupied  by  a  party  of 
strangers,  he  replied,  it  was  only  waste  ground,  and,  as  long  as 
they  injured  no  one,  they  were  welcome. 

On  their  return  to  Jamestown,  affairs  were  found  in  evil  plight. 
The  colonists,  not  we  fear  without  blame,  had  incurred  the  hos 
tility  of  the  savages,  while  they  neglected  to  fortify  their  posi- 


CONDITION  OF  THE  COLONY. 

tion.  A  genera]  attack,  which  was  made,  was  repulsed  with 
great  difficulty,  seventeen  being  wounded  and  one  boy  killed. 
By  great  exertion,  about  the  middle  of  June,  a  palisaded  fort 
was  erected,  secure  against  those  rude  assailants,  who,  however, 
continued  to  hover  round,  cutting  off  stragglers,  and  obliging 
the  settlers  to  keep  constant  watch.  The  charges  against 
Smith  were  still  pressed,  and  a  party  wished  to  send  him  to 
England ;  but  he,  loudly  demanding  a  trial  on  the  spot,  was 
supported  by  a  majority  of  the  colonists.  He  was  triumphantly 
acquitted,  and  Wingfield,  his  accuser,  condemned  to  pay  him 
a  fine  of  200/.,  which  he  generously  threw  into  the  common 
stock.  Mr.  Hunt,  the  clergyman,  succeeded  in  producing  at 
least  an  appearance  of  harmony,  cemented  by  partaking  to 
gether  the  Christian  communion. 

On  the  15th  June,  Newport,  writh  the  vessels,  sailed  for  Bri 
tain,  leaving  the  settlers  in  the  midst  of  that  vast  wilderness 
which  they  had  undertaken  to  cultivate.  In  this  situation  the 
brilliant  hopes  which  had  lured  them  thither  quickly  vanished. 
The  fruitfulness  of  the  soil  indeed  fully  equalled  expectation ; 
but  all  the  machinery  by  which  it  could  be  made  capable  of  pro 
ducing  individual  wTealth  was  still  to  be  created.  The  land  re 
quired  not  only  a  laborious  culture,  for  wrhich  they  were  little 
prepared — but  a  still  harder  task  remained  ;  that  of  hewing 
down  the  forest,  which  covered  the  whole  of  it.  By  an  un 
happy  arrangement,  all  the  produce  for  the  first  five  years  was 
to  be  in  common,  and  distributed  by  the  council  according  to 
their  respective  wants.  But,  as  Chalmers  shrewdly  observes, 
"  when  men  are  not  to  profit,  they  will  labour  little ;  and  wrhen 
all  are  fed  from  a  common  granary,  few  will  concern  themselves 
how  it  is  filled."  Raising  scarcely  any  crop  the  first  year,  they 
were  dependent  on  the  supplies  from  home,  which  had  been 
much  diminished  during  the  long  voyage,  and  are  alleged  to 
have  been  originally  of  inferior  quality.  A  slender  allowance 
of  this  unwholesome  food,  bad  river-water,  and  exposure  to  a 
new  climate,  soon  spread  disease  so  widely,  that  there  were 
8* 


SETTLEMENT  OF  VIRGINIA. 

often  not  ten  men  fit  for  service.  "  There  were  never,"  says 
Percy,  "  Englishmen  left  in  a  foreign  country,  in  such  misery  as 
we  were."  Before  autumn,  fifty  died,  nearly  half  their  num 
ber,  among  whom  was  Gosnold,  the  projector  of  fhe  settlement. 
Discontent  naturally  arose  ;  Wingfield,  the  president,  was  ac 
cused  of  living  in  plenty,  while  others  were  perishing,  and  even 
of  meditating  a  departure.  On  these  charges  he  was  deposed, 
and  his  place  supplied  by  Ratcliffe,  who,  being  of  an  easy  tem 
per,  left  the  whole  management  to  Smith,  which  was  what  the 
colonists  desired. 

This  gentleman  justly  considered  sustenance  the  most  impor 
tant  object,  in  search  of  which  he  proceeded  with  a  party  down 
the  river.  The  natives  treated  them  with  derision,  "  as  famished 
men,  and  holding  out  morsels  of  bread,  asked  for  them  swords, 
muskets,  and  other  valuables."  Unable  to  succeed  by  fair 
means,  he  discharged  a  volley,  which  caused  them  immediately 
to  seek  the  shelter  of  the  woods.  Landing  at  a  village,  he 
found  food  in  abundance ;  but  forbade  his  people  to  encumber 
themselves  with  it,  foreseeing  the  immediate  return  of  the  In 
dians.  Accordingly,  there  soon  issued  forth,  amid  hideous  noises, 
sixty  or  seventy  painted  savages,  bearing  in  front  their  okee,  an 
image  of  skins  stuffed  with  moss,  and  hung  wTith  copper  chains. 
They  advanced  upon  the  English,  but  met  so  kindly  a  recep 
tion,  that  "  down  fell  their  god,"  divers  of  his  worshippers  lay 
sprawling,  and  the  rest  disappeared.  Their  spirit  being  now 
humbled,  they  sent  presently  a  venerable  character,  a  quiyough- 
casuckj  to  treat  for  peace,  and  for  the  restoration  of  their  idol. 
Smith  answered,  that  if  they  w^ould  load  his  boat,  they  should 
be  welcome  'not  only  to  their  okee,  but  to  a  stock  of  beads, 
hatchets,  and  other  valuables.  They  cheerfully  assented,  and 
amidst  singing  and  dancing,  brought  not  only  the  stipulated 
grain,  but  presents  of  turkey,  venison,  and  wild-fowl. 

Smith  returned  just  in  time  to  prevent  Wingfield  and  another 
from  seizing  a  vessel  and  sailing  to  England.  His  supplies, 
with  the  flockp  >f  water-fowl  which  came  at  the  approach  of 


SMITH  TAKEN  PRISONER.  91 

-winter,  relieved  their  wants ;  and  having  in  his  rambles  dis 
covered  the  great  river  Chickahamine,  he  determined  to  explore 
it  to  its  source,  not  it  is  said  without  a  hope  of  thereby  reach 
ing  the  South  Sea,  viewed  then  as  the  grand  source  of  wealth. 
He  was  impelled,  it  wTas  imagined,  by  the  taunts  of  some  of  his 
enemies  in  the  colony,  but  we  rather  think  only  by  his  own  ad 
venturous  spirit.  He  ascended  first  in  his  barge,  then  in  a 
canoe,  and  twenty  miles  on  foot,  attended  only  by  his  Indian 
guides.  But  three  hundred  natives,  who  had  traced  his  steps, 
surprised  and  dispersed  his  party,  and  then  came  suddenly  upon 
himself.  He  made  astonishing  efforts  for  safety,  and  fastening 
with  his  garters  a  native  ally  to  his  person,  presented  him  to 
the  enemy  as  a  buckler ;  then  he  ran  to  the  canoe,  which  he 
would  have  reached,  had  he  not  suddenly  sunk  in  a  deep  morass, 
ivhere  he  was  overtaken,  and,  to  escape  from  perishing  with  cold, 
obliged  to  surrender. 

He  had  now  reason  to  consider  his  last  hour  approaching,  and 
a  circle  had  in  fact  been  made  to  shoot  him.  With  characteris 
tic  presence  of  mind  he  asked  for  the  chief,  showed  his  com 
pass-dial,  pointed  out  its  singular  movements,  and  endeavoured 
to  explain  the  corresponding  phenomena  of  the  earth  and  sky. 
Whether  they  understood  these  indications  or  not,  they  were 
awed  with  astonishment  as  if  admitted  to  contemplate  a  super 
natural  object.  On  a  signal  from  their  leader,  they  laid  down 
their  bows  and  arrows,  and  led  him  under  strict  guard  to  their 
capital.  He  was  there  exhibited  to  the  women  and  children  ; 
and  a  wild  war-dance  was  performed  round  him,  in  fantastic 
measures  and  with  frightful  yells  and  contortions.  He  was 
then  shut  up  in  a  long  house,  and  supplied  at  every  meal  with 
as  much  bread  and  venison  as  would  have* dined  twenty  men ; 
but,  receiving  no  other  sign  of  kindness,  he  began  to  dread  that 
they  were  fattening  in  order  to  eat  him.  Even  without  such  a 
precise  purpose,  this  festive  entertainment  is  known  among 
savages  to  be  no  uncommon  prelude  to  torture  and  death.  They 
asked  his  aid  in  reducing  Jamestown,  while  he  sought  an  op- 


92 


SETTLEMENT  OF  VIRGINIA. 


Smith  showing  the  Compass. 


portunity  of  making  his  way  thither.  In  the  course  of  this 
manoeuvring,  a  message  sent  to  that  place  gave  him  an  oppor 
tunity  to  display  the  powers  of  writing,  which  was  considered 
by  them  as  a  species  of  magical  spell.  At  length,  after  being 
paraded  and  exhibited  in  various  villages,  he  was  led  to  Pamun- 
key,  the  residence  of  Powhatan.  It  was  here  his  doom  was 
sealed.  The  chief  received  him  in  pomp,  wrapt  in  a  spacious 
robe  of  rackoon  skins,  with  all  the  tails  hanging  down.  Behind 
appeared  two  long  lines  of  men  and  women,  with  faces  painted 
red,  heads  decked  with  white  down,  and  necks  quite  encircled 
by  chains  of  beads.  A  lady  of  rank  presented  water  to  wash 
his  hands,  another  a  bunch  of  feathers  to  dry  them.  A  long 
deliberation  was  then  held,  and  the  result  proved  fatal.  Two 
large  stones  were  placed  before  Powhatan,  and  by  the  united 
efforts  of  the  attendants  Smith  was  dragged  to  the  spot,  hk 
head  laid  on  one  of  them,  and  the  mighty  club  was  raised,  a  few 
blows  of  which  were  to  terminate  his  life.  In  this  last  ex 
tremity,  when  every  hope  seemed  past,  a  very  unexpected  inter 
position  took  place.  Pocahontas,  the  youthful  and  favourite 
daughter  of  this  savage  chief,  was  seized  with  those  tender  emo- 


POCAHONTAS. 


Pocahontas  rescuing  Smith. 


tions  which  form  the  ornament  of  her  sex.  Advancing  to  her 
father,  she  in  the  most  earnest  terms  supplicated  mercy  for  the 
stranger  ;  and  though  all  her  entreaties  were  lost  on  that  savage 
heart,  her  zeal  only  redoubled.  She  ran  to  Smith,  took  his 
head  in  her  arms,  laid  her  own  upon  it,  and  declared  that  the 
first  death-blow  must  fall  upon  her.  The  barbarian's  breast 
was  at  length  softened,  and  the  life  of  the  Englishman  was 
spared. 


94  SETTLEMENT  OF  VIRGINIA. 

Our  adventurer,  being  naturally  expected  to  render  some  ser 
vices  in  return  for  so  great  a  boon,  employed  himself  in  mak 
ing  hatchets,  beads,  and  other  ornaments  for  the  father  and 
daughter.  At  the  end  of  two  days  he  was  conducted  into  a 
large  house,  where,  amid  hideous  and  doleful  noises,  Powhatan 
rushed  in,  with  two  hundred  attendants,  strangely  •  disguised 
and  their  faces  blackened.  Smith  again  thought  his  last  hour 
had  come,  but  the  chief  announced  these  as  signs  of  peace  and 
friendship ;  and  he  was  forthwith  sent  to  Jamestown,  on  the  sole 
condition  of  transmitting  thence  two  culverins  and  a  millstone, 
a  promise  faithfully  fulfilled. 

He  again  arrived  at  a  critical  moment.  A  majority  of  the 
colonists,  impatient  of  continued  hardship  and  privation,  had 
determined  to  prepare  a  pinnace,  and  set  sail  for  their  native 
country.  He  took  the  most  energetic  steps  to  arrest  this 
course,  having,  with  the  aid  of  some  faithful  adherents,  pointed 
a  gun  at  the  vessel,  and  declared  she  must  either  stop  or  sink. 
A  conspiracy  was  then  formed  against  him ;  but  by  his  vigilance 
he  detected  it,  and  sent  the  ringleaders  to  England.  The  fair 
Pocahontas  continued  her  generous  kindness,  and  came  every 
four  or  five  days  with  provisions,  which  relieved  their  wants 
and  revived  their  spirits.  They  were  soon  still  farther  cheered 
by  the  arrival  of  Captain  Newport,  with  one  hundred  and 
twenty  emigrants  and  liberal  supplies.  The  company,  how 
ever,  now  impatiently  endured  their  heavy  expenses,  and  the 
absence  of  all  prospect  of  marketable  returns.  Gold  was  still 
viewed  as  the  main  source  of  wealth,  and  many  of  the  new 
coiners  had  been  selected  on  account  of  their  supposed  skill  in 
its  discovery.  Naturally  desiring  to  satisfy  their  employers, 
they  thought  they  perceived  in  a  certain  yellow  glittering  earth 
this  precious  ore.  Thenceforth  all  sober  industry  was  thrown 
aside :  "  Dig  gold,  wash  gold,  refine  gold,  was  the  universal 
cry."  Smith  lamented  to  see  the  whole  attention  of  the  settlers 
attracted  by  this  "  gilded  dirt,''  but  could  not  prevent  them  from 
putting  a  large  portion  on  board,  and  some  time  elapsed  before 


SMITH  EXPLOUES  THE  CHESAPEAKE. 


95 


they  were  apprised  that  a  skilful  examination  had  proved  it 
utterly  worthless.  Fortunately  perhaps,  no  rumour  seems  ever 
to  have  reached  them  of  the  real  gold  in  the  mountainous 
country,  whence  they  were  indeed  more  distant  than  the  first 
colonists. 

Newport,  on  learning  the  friendly  intercourse  with  Po  what  an, 
sent  liberal  presents,  and  was  invited  to  visit  that  savage  poten 
tate.  He  found  the  monarch  surrounded  by  twenty-two  fair 
ladies,  lavishly  painted  and  decked  with  beads.  A  courteous 
traffic  was  opened,  in  which  Smith  considered  the  captain  as 
overreached,  particularly  in  afterwards  acceding  to  a  request 
for  twenty  swords,  dangerous  weapons  to  put  into  such  hands. 
The  latter,  after  remaining  fourteen  weeks,  departed,  without 
being  able  to  collect  any  other  cargo  besides  cedar-wrood,  and 
the  yellowr  earth  of  which  such  illusory  hopes  were  entertained. 


Captain  Smith  exploring  the  Chesapeake. 


Smith  now  undertook  the  important  task  of  exploring  the 
Chesapeake  to  its  head,  not  only  with  the  view  of  tracing  the 
limits  of  the  colony,  but  still  more  from  the  hope  of  an  inlet 
opening  into  the  South  Sea,  and  affording  a  passage  to  India. 
In  a  small  b,arge  of  only  two  tons,  he  made  an  extensive  sur 
vey  of  the  Chesapeake  and  its  tributary  waters.  He  then  re- 


96  SETTLEMENT  OF  VIRGINIA. 

turned  to  Jamestown,  examining  in  his  way  the  river  Patuxent. 
This  voyage  of  about  three  thousand  miles,  performed  by 
twelve  men,  in  a  small  open  barge,  "  with  such  watery  diet,  in 
those  great  waters  and  barbarous  countries,"  was  extremely 
creditable  to  the  parties.  Although  unproductive  as  to  the 
South  Sea  or  to  gold,  it  made  an  important  addition  to  the 
knowledge  of  this  part  of  America. 

On  his  arrival,  Smith  was  installed  as  president,  and  began, 
with  characteristic  activity,  to  improve  the  buildings,  strengthen 
the  forts,  and  train  the  men  to  military  exercises  ;  but  he  was 
interrupted  by  the  arrival  of  Newport  with  a  fresh  colony  of 
about  seventy,  including  two  females.  The  company  having 
spent  at  least  2000/.  in  the  equipment,  expressed  an  earnest  de 
sire  and  expectation  of  being  somewhat  reimbursed.  They 
pointed  particularly,  as  objects  to  be  attained,  a  lump  of  gold, 
the  discovery  of  the  South  Sea,  or  a  member  of  Raleigh's  lost 
company.  The  second  being  seemingly  the  main  object,  a 
barge  was  sent  in  frame  to  ascend  one  of  the  great  rivers,  to  be 
thence  carried  over  the  mountains,  and  launched  on  a  stream 
flowing  into  the  Pacific.  In  estimating  the  want  of  geographi 
cal  knowledge  which  this  scheme  displayed,  we  must  allow  for 
their  imperfect  resources.  The  discoveries  of  Drake  and  Caven 
dish  could  not  yet  be  connected  with  the  eastern  side  of  Ame 
rica.  The  impression  probably  was,  that  the  moderate  breadth 
of  the  continent  in  Mexico  would  be  prolonged  northwards ; 
while  in  point  of  fact  the  idea  of  wealth  attached  to  the  South 
Sea  was  founded  on  vague  and  illusory  associations.  Its  shores 
in  Mexico  and  Peru  were  indeed  rich  in  the  precious  metals ; 
but  this  afforded  no  presumption  as  to  what  might  be  the  pro 
ductions  of  a  more  northern  latitude.  As,  in  furtherance  of  this 
object,  Powhatan's  favour  was  to  be  courted,  there  had  been 
sent  handsome  presents,  with  materials  to  crown  him  with  splen 
dour  in  the  European  style.  Smith  viewed  the  Pacific  and  the 
coronation  of  Powhatan  as  alike  absurd  ;  but  was  obliged  to 
yield  to  Newport,  who  came  with  instructions  direct  from  the 


CORONATION  OF  POWHATAN.  97 

company.  With  only  four  companions  he  courageously  re 
paired  to  the  residence  of  the  monarch,  inviting  him  to  come 
and  be  crowned  at  Jamestown.  The  party  were  extremely 
well  received,  though  once  they  heard  in  the  adjoining  woods 
outcries  so  hideous  as  made  them  flee  to  their  arms ;  but  Poca- 
hontas  assured  them  that  they  had  nothing  to  fear.  Accord 
ingly,  there  issued  thence  thirty  damsels  of  such  strange  aspect 
that  he  uncourteously  terms  them  fiends.  They  were  covered 
only  with  green  leaves  bedaubed  with  shining  colours,  the 
leader  wearing  on  her  forehead  a  pair  of  stag's  horns.  For  an 
hour  they  danced  round  the  fire,  with  wild  shouts  and  strange 
contortions.  They  then  retired ;  and  the  table  was  spread  with 
an  abundance  of  savage  dainties,  when  the  ladies,  with  whom 
he  hoped  to  have  done,  rushed  in,  and,  crowding  round  him, 
lavished  compliments  with  which  he  would  have  gladly  dis 
pensed,  each  calling  out,  "  Love  you  not  me !"  When,  how 
ever,  the  unsophisticated  monarch  received  the  invitation,  he 
proudly  replied,  "  If  your  king  has  sent  me  presents,  I  also  am 
a  king,  and  this  is  my  land — your  father  is  to  come  up  to  me, 
not  I  to  him." 

Newport  was  not  discouraged  ;  but,  taking  with  him  Smith 
and  fifty  men,  repaired  to  this  sylvan  court.  The  coronation 
took  place ;  but  Powhatan  appears  to  have  been  more  surprised 
than  delighted.  He  made  a  difficulty  even  in  putting  on  the 
scarlet  dress  from  a  fear  of  some  magical  effect.  He  stren 
uously  objected  to  kneeling ;  on  which  they  long  absurdly  in 
sisted,  but  were  obliged  to  be  contented  with  his  merely  bend 
ing  the  shoulders.  A  volley  fired  at  the  close  made  him  start 
up  in  alarm,  but  he  soon  recovered  his  composure. 

The  king  assured  them  that  all  their  ideas  of  a  salt  water  be 
yond  the  mountains  were  erroneous,  and  refused  guides  for  so 
wild  a  search.  Newport,  however,  goaded  probably  by  his  em 
ployers,  set  out,  leaving  Smith  at  Jamestown.  The  party  as 
cended  to  the  Falls,  and  even  forty  miles  farther  by  land. 
Finding,  however,  provisions  scanty,  and  their  toils  always  in- 
9 


98  SETTLEMENT  OF  VIRGINIA. 

creasing,  they  commenced  a  retreat  before  they  had  reached  the 
Alleghany.  They  returned  to  the  town,  oppressed  "  with  toil, 
famine,  and  discontent ;"  and  the  chimera  of  the  South  Sea  was 
finally  relinquished. 

Meantime  events  occurred  at  home  deeply  affecting  the  in 
terests  of  the  colony.  Although  the  company  had  been  disap 
pointed  of  their  expected  returns,  the  accounts  of  the  extent, 
beauty,  and  fertility  of  the  regions  just  discovered,  kindled  in 
that  enterprising  age  an  extraordinary  enthusiasm.  Pamphlets 
were  published,  apparently  on  high  authority,  painting  it  as 
completely  an  earthly  paradise.  On  a  larger  scale,  and  under 
more  enlightened  views,  it  was  hoped  that  the  errors  which  had 
cramped  its  progress  would  be  avoided.  Many  distinguished 
individuals  were  ready  to  embark  their  fortunes  in  this  enter 
prise  ;  and,  with  the  consent  of  the  old  members,  the  company 
was  remodelled  on  a  larger  scale,  and  under  a  new  charter. 
Their  territory  was  augmented  from  the  former  one  hundred 
miles  of  coast  to  four  hundred  ;  being  two  hundred  on  each  side 
of  Cape  Comfort ;  and  it  was  extended  in  breadth  to  the  South 
Sea.  James,  yielding  to  some  influence  which  does  not  dis 
tinctly  appear,  was  induced  to  waive  those  high  claims  of 
sovereignty  before  so  strictly  reserved.  He  allowed  the  coun 
cil  in  England  to  be  chosen  by  the  proprietors,  with  power  to 
nominate  a  governor.  The  Episcopal  Church  was  exclusively 
established,  and  all  emigrants  required  to  take  the  oath  of 
supremacy.  There  appears  a  peculiar  anxiety  to  exclude  Ro 
man  Catholics,  respecting  whom  it  is  observed,  in  a  pamphlet 
addressed  to  Sir  Thomas  Smith,  the  treasurer,  "  I  would  have 
none  seasoned  with  the  least  taint  of  that  leaven  to  be  settled 
on  this  plantation,  or  any  part  of  that  country ;  but  if  once 
perceived,  such  an  one,  weede  him  out ;  for  they  will  ever  be 
plotting  and  conspiring  to  root  you  out  if  they  can ;  if  you 
will  live  and  prosper,  harbour  not  this  viperous  broode  in  your 
bosom." 

The  exertions  of  the  patentees,  and  the  general  enthusiasm 


ARRIVAL  OF  NEW  COLONISTS.  99 

kindled  throughout  the  nation,  enabled  the  company  to  equip 
an  expedition  of  nine  vessels  and  five  hundred  emigrants.  Lord 
Delaware,  distinguished  by  his  talents  and  virtues,  was  named 
governor  for  life  ;  and  as  he  could  not  depart  immediately,  Sir 
Thomas  Gates  and  Sir  George  Summers  were  to  rule  in  the 
meantime. 

The  vessels  set  sail  on  the  15th  May,  1609,  and  seven  ar 
rived  on  the  llth  August,  at  Jamestown ;  but  unfortunately 
they  had  encountered  a  violent  storm,  in  which  two,  having 
on  board  Gates  and  Summers,  were  separated  and  thrown 
upon  the  Bermudas.  In  their  absence,  Smith  justly  claimed 
the  rule ;  but  many  of  the  new-comers,  being  bankrupts,  spend 
thrifts,  or  others  sent  for  doing  no  good  at  home,  were  in 
disposed  to  obey  him.  For  some  time  total  anarchy  reigned  ; 
but  its  evils  at  length  became  so  great,  that  he  was  entreated 
to  resume  the  government.  He  exerted  himself  to  locate  ad 
vantageously  the  emigrants,  of  \vhom  two  parties,  one  hun 
dred  and  twenty  each,  were  settled  at  Nansemond,  and  at  the 
Falls  of  James  River.  Both,  however,  mismanaged  their  af 
fairs,  quarrelled  with  the  Indians,  and  lost  a  number  of  their 
men ;  while  they  rejected  all  his  efforts  to  remedy  these  disor 
ders.  In  returning  from  the  latter  place,  a  bag  of  gunpowder 
burst  and  severely  mangled  his  person,  so  that  he  reached  home 
in  extreme  torture.  Here  he  was  told  that  plots  were  forming 
against  his  life.  Unable  in  his  debilitated  state  to  struggle 
against  so  many  difficulties,  he  returned  to  England,  quitting  for 
ever  the  colony  which  had  been  so  much  indebted  to  him.  He 
received  at  home  neither  honours  nor  rewards.  The  company, 
prepossessed  by  his  numerous  enemies,  complained  that  he  had 
brought  no  wealth  into  their  coffers,  and  had  acted  severely  to 
wards  the  Indians.  Posterity  has  done  him  justice,  perhaps 
somewThat  beyond  his  merits.  His  bold  and  active  spirit,  with 
sound  practical  judgment,  eminently  qualified  him  for  the  sta 
tion  ;  though,  being  somewhat  hot  and  uncompromising  in  his 
temper,  he  excited  bitter  enmities.  A  conciliatory  disposition 


100  SETTLEMENT  OF  VIRGINIA. 

and  persuasive  powers  were,  in  such  a  situation,  almost  indis 
pensable  to  render  his  exertions  effective.  His  conduct  to 
wards  the  Indians  was  in  general  culpable,  and  by  the  hostility 
which  it  created,  neutralized  in  a  great  measure  his  eminent 
services. 

His  eulogium,  however,  was  found  in  the  state  of  the  colony 
after  his  departure.  Only  about  thirty  or  forty  acres  were  cul 
tivated  ;  the  ships  had  brought  grain  in  limited  quantity,  and 
much  spoiled  during  the  unfortunate  voyage.  The  Indians,  no 
longer  overawed  by  the  late  president,  not  only  refused  victuals, 
.but  killed  many  settlers.  Thus  there  ensued  a  dreadful  famine, 
long  fearfully  remembered  under  the  name  of  the  "  Starving 
Time."  Many  were  impelled  to  the  horrid  resource  of  devour 
ing  the  bodies  of  the  dead ;  nay,  there  are  dark 'imputations  of 
murder  committed  under  this  fearful  impulse.  Vessels  sent 
along  the  rivers  were  either  sunk,  or  the  crews  beaten  by  the 
savages.  Virginia  seemed  a  devoted  soil.  Of  the  flourishing 
colony  of  five  hundred  persons,  there  remained  only  sixty 
"  most  miserable  and  poor  creatures."  After  a  large  expendi 
ture,  and  successive  arrivals  of  emigrants,  it  had  returned  al 
most  into  its  original  insignificance. 

Meantime,  Gates  and  Summers,  after  their  calamitous  ship 
wreck  upon  the  Bermudas,  being  delighted  with  the  fine  climate 
and  the  soil  of  those  islands,  employed  the  winter  in  forming  a 
settlement  there,  and  surveying  the  coasts.  Although  dis 
tracted  by  several  violent  mutinies,  they  succeeded  in  fitting 
out  a  pinnace  and  sailing  to  Jamestown.  They  arrived  in  the 
month  of  May  ;  but  what  was  their  disappointment,  when,  in 
stead  of  repose  and  refreshment,  they  discovered  such  extreme 
misery.  Their  scanty  stock  was  now  the  only  support  of  the 
settlers,  who,  in  four  days,  must  have  been  completely  famished. 
The  Indians,  holding  the  fort  closely  blockaded,  and  cutting 
down  every  European  that  ventured  beyond  its  precincts,  pre 
cluded  all  hope  of  supply.  In  this  extremity  no  resource  ap 
peared  to  remain  but  to  embark  for  Newfoundland,  and  among 


ARRIVAL  OF  LORD  DELAWARE.  101 

the  fishing-vessels  there  find  the  means  of  transportation  to 
England.  This  determination  was  received  with  loud  shouts 
and  acclamations.  By  the  6th  of  June,  the  preparations  were 
completed,  the  whole  colony  wTas  on  board,  and  had  begun  to 
move  down  the  river,  when  a  long-boat  was  met  ascending. 
This  proved  the  precursor  of  three  ships  under  Loid  Dela 
ware,  \vho  came  with  a  reinforcement  vand.Jange  ^supplies,  to 
take  the  command.  Their  arrival  seeming"  a-  special  interpo 
sition  of  Providence,  the  colonists  fcfiertftflly!  t&sateecr;  3Mir 
station. 

His  lordship  made  great  exertions  to  redeem  the  affairs  of 
the  settlement.  The  very  subjection  to  one  individual  so  high 
in  character  and  rank  as  to  preclude  rivalry,  terminated  many 
causes  of  disorder.  Summers  wrent  for  provisions  to  the  Ber 
mudas,  and  Gates  to  England ;  but  an  evil  destiny  seemed  still 
to  beset  Virginia.  This  excellent  nobleman,  from  whom  so 
much  w<as  hoped,  wras  by  his  own  statement  immediately  seized 
with  a  severe  ague,  followed  by  a  flux,  and  his  physician  warned 
him,  that  if  he  remained  twenty  days  longer  his  health  would 
be  entirely  ruined.  He  \vas  therefore  obliged  to  return  home, 
leaving  Percy  in  the  command.  Sir  Thomas  Dale,  who  soon 
after  arrived  with  fresh  men  and  supplies,  introduced  martial 
law  ;  a  code  peculiarly  abhorrent  to  the  feelings  of  freemen.  It 
was  perhaps  necessary  to  quell  the  lawless  spirits  that  had 
caused  such  terrible  disorders ;  and  he  administered  it  with  a 
moderation  which  prevented  any  serious  clamour. 

The  company,  meantime,  strictly  interrogated  Gates  and  Dela 
ware  as  to  wrhat  really  w*ere  their  prospects  from  a  colony  in 
which  such  large  funds  had  been  invested.  They  gave  reports 
most  decidedly  favourable.  His  lordship,  in  a  letter  addressed 
to  the  council,  declared  the  land  to  be  wonderfully  fertile  in 
corn  and  \vine,  as  well  as  adapted  for  the  rearing  of  cattle. 
There  were  two  hundred  colonists  mostly  in  good  health ;  and 
there  would  be  no  want  of  anything,  if  the  action  could  be  up 
held  with  constancy.  He  was  ready  to  lay  out  upon  it  all  he 


102  SETTLEMENT  OF  VIRGINIA. 

was  worth,  and  to  return  as  soon  as  he  conveniently  could.  A 
determination  was  thereupon  formed  to  persevere,  which  the 
king  anxiously  seconded.  He  made  to  them  soon  after  an  ad 
ditional  grant  of  the  Bermudas,  the  flattering  descriptions  of 
which  had  strongly  impressed  the  public  mind.  He  allowed 
them  the  more  solid  benefit  of  opening  a  lottery,  which,  in  about 
ten-yfcars,  produced  29>000/.,  and  was  called  "  the  real  food  by 
which  Virginia  had  been  nourished."  It  excited,  however, 
mu£h  complaint;  .ana  James,  on  the  remonstrances  of  parlia 
ment,  at  length  closed  it. 

Gates  wras  now  sent  as  governor  with  six  ships,  three  hundred 
emigrants,  and  one  hundred  cattle,  when  Dale,  with  part  of 
the  new-comers,  went  up  the  river,  and  formed  the  settlement 
of  Henrico,  named  in  honour  of  the  Prince  of  Wales.  An  in 
teresting  event  terminated  the  long  hostility  with  the  native 
tribes.  Argall,  an  enterprising  naval  commander,  contrived, 
through  an  Indian  who  had  become  his  sworn  friend,  to  inveigle 
on  board  his  vessel  the  fair  Princess  Pocahontas.  Regardless 
of  her  tears  and  entreaties,  he  conveyed  her  to  Jamestown, 
where  she  was  well  treated ;  but,  in  a  negotiation  for  her  ran 
som,  exorbitant  terms  were  demanded,  which  her  father  indig 
nantly  rejected,  and  the  breach  seemed  only  widened.  Happily, 
the  chains  of  the  princess'  captivity  were  lightened  by  others 
of  a  more  pleasing  nature.  Mr.  John  Rolfe,  a  respectable 
young  man,  was  smitten  with  her  dignified  demeanour,  and 
found  no  difficulty  in  gaining  her  affections.  Some  apprehen 
sion  was  felt  how  his  proposal  of  marriage  might  be  received  by 
the  proud  and  savage  parent ;  but  he  expressed  himself  quite 
delighted,  and  thereupon  entered  into  a  treaty  of  amity,  which  he 
never  violated.  Though  he  did  not  choose  to  come  himself,  his 
brother  and  son  were  present  at  the  nuptials.  Sir  Thomas 
takes  the  credit  of  having  already  made  her  a  Christian  ;  while 
Rolfe  talks  of  that  as  still  to  be  done.  However,  she  was 
finally  converted,  and  baptized  under  the  name  of  Rebecca,  to 
which  the  English  prefixed  the  title  of  Lady ;  and  her  subse- 


POCAHONTAS  IN  ENGLAND. 


103 


Capture  of  Pocahontas. 


quent  conduct  is  said  to  have  adorned  her  profession.  Soon 
after,  in  company  with  her  husband,  she  visited  England. 
Smith  wrote  a  letter  to  her  majesty,  recounting  her  good  deeds, 
declaring  that  she  had  a  great  spirit,  though  a  low  stature,  and 
beseeching  for  .her  a  reception  corresponding  to  her  rank  and 
merits.  She  was  accordingly  introduced  at  court,  and  into  the 
circles  of  fashion,  where,  as  a  novelty,  she  was  for  some  time 
the  leading  object,  and  is  said  to  have  deported  herself  with 
suitable  grace  and  dignity. 

James  took  an  absurd  apprehension  that  Rolfe,  on  the  ground 
of  his  wife's  birth,  might  advance  a  claim  to  the  crown  of  Vir 
ginia.  This  idea,  however,  being  at  length  driven  out  of  his 
mind,  he  appointed  him  secretary  and  recorder-general  of  the 
colony.  The  princess,  early  in  1617,  went  to  embark  at  Graves- 


104  SETTLEMENT  OF  VIRGINIA. 

end ;  but  Providence  had  not  destined  that  she  should  revisit 
her  native  shore.  She  was  there  seized  with  an  illness  which 
carried  her  off  in  a  few  days ;  and  her  last  hours  are  said  to 
have  extremely  edified  the  spectators,  being  full  of  Christian  re 
signation  and  hope.  She  had  left  a  son  in  the  colony,  whose  off 
spring,  carefully  traced,  is  now  numerous,  and  this  descent  is  the 
boast  of  many  Virginian  families. 

About  this  time  a  treaty  was  attempted  with  Powhatan  for 
the  marriage  of  a  second  daughter ;  but  though  he  expressed 
an  earnest  wish  to  maintain  friendship  with  the  English,  he 
made  apologies,  and  at  length  frankly  owned,  that  though  ready 
to  give  any  other  pledge  of  peace,  he  could  not  resolve  to  part 
with  both  his  darling  children.  Notwithstanding  the  example 
of  Rolfe,  and  the  scarcity  of  females  in  the  settlement,  inter 
marriage  between  the  races  never  became  at  all  general. 

Under  Gates  and  Dale,  the  colony  at  length  began  to  take  a 
regular  form,  and  to  advance  in  prosperity.  Hitherto  it  had 
been  conducted  on  the  unhappy  system  of  each  individual  labour 
ing  for  a  public  stock,  from  which  he  drew  his  subsistence.  It 
was  thus  reckoned  that  twenty  men  were  required  for  what 
could  easily  have  been  done  by  three ;  hence  in  a  great  measure 
arose  those  dreadful  famines  which  had  nearly  exterminated  the 
settlers.  Now,  in  the  first  instance,  a  spot  of  ground  and  a 
month  in  the  year  were  allowed  to  each ;  and  finally,  private 
property  being  completely  established,  fifty  acres  were  granted 
to  such  as  were  able  to  stock  and  cultivate  them. 

From  the  first  settlement  the  company  had  shown  the  most 
intense  anxiety  for  some  production  or  branch  of  trade  that 
would  bring  in  money.  This  desirable  object  was  at  length  at 
tained  by  the  culture  of  tobacco,  which  soon  became  the  staple 
product  of  the  colony. 

In  1616,  the  colonists  had  the  misfortune  to  lose  Sir  Thomas 
Dale,  endeared  to  them  by  his  mild  and  beneficent  administra 
tion.  Sir  George  Yeardley  acted  for  some  time  as  deputy,  when 
Lord  Delaware  again  set  sail  to  assume  the  command,  but  un- 


FIRST  REPRESENTATIVE  ASSEMBLY.  105 

fortunately  died  on  the  voyage.  The  government  then  devolved 
upon  Argall,  a  brave  and  successful  naval  commander,  who  had 
added  some  important  possessions  to  the  crown.  His  conduct 
has  been  described  as  hasty  and  tyrannical  in  the  highest  degree, 
leaving  no  security  either  for  life  or  property.  This  statement 
appears  exaggerated  ;  his  enactments  being  apparently  well 
meant,  though  too  violent.  Accustomed  to  rule  on  shipboard 
with  the  powers  of  martial  law,  he  wished  to  direct  everything 
in  the  colony  as  if  it  had  been  the  deck  of  a  ship  of  war ;  and 
he  ignorantly  attempted  to  enforce  by  statute  a  higher  price  for 
tobacco  and  other  colonial  staples.  No  person,  on  pain  of  death, 
was  to  teach  an  Indian  to  use  fire-arms ;  a  law  which  might 
have  been  useful  with  a  milder  penalty.  Any  one  absenting 
himself  from  church  on  Sunday  was  to  be  a  slave  during  the 
next  week :  if  a  second  time,  for  a  month.  No  body  of  men 
who  had  enjoyed  any  measure  of  liberty  could  sit  content  under 
his  arbitrary  yoke.  The  company,  besieged  with  complaints, 
and  finding  that  emigrants  wrere  thus  deterred,  superseded  him, 
replacing  the  management  in  the  hands  of  Yeardley. 

This  interval  of  despotic  rule  seems  to  have  had  a  salutary 
effect  in  exciting  among  the  colonists  a  demand  for  a  constitu 
tion  more  accordant  with  their  British  origin.  The  company, 
among  whom  popular  ideas  had  begun  to  prevail,  authorized 
the  new  governor  not  only  to  form  a  council,  but  to  convene 
delegates,  who  writh  them  and  himself  should  constitute  the  first 
representative  assembly  that  met  in  the  western  hemisphere. 
They  appear  to  have  entered  on  their  functions  with  activity, 
soliciting  that  martial  law  should  be  exchanged  for  the  system 
of  English  jurisprudence,  which,  in  a  somewhat  courtly  strain, 
they  expressed  a  wish  to  receive  from  the  hands  of  his  majesty. 
They  then  enacted  a  number  of  laws,  which,  being  sent  over 
for  the  approbation  of  the  company,  were  received  by  that  body 
in  a  somewhat  equivocal  manner,  who,  though  they  admitted 
that  they  were  very  judiciously  formed,  sanctioned  none  of 
them.  Two  years  after,  that  body  transmitted  a  new  constitu- 


106  SETTLEMENT  OF  VIRGINIA. 

tion,  so  framed  as  to  secure  them,  in  a  great  measure,  against 
any  proceeding  contrary  to  their  views.  The  House  of  Assem 
bly  was  to  consist  of  the  governor,  a  council  appointed  by  the 
corporation  at  home,  and  two  representatives  from  each  borough. 
As  this  meeting  amounted  to  twenty-one,  while  the  delegates 
from  eleven  boroughs  were  twenty-two,  the  company  had  only 
to  gain  one  of  the  latter  in  order  to  obtain  the  full  dictation  of 
every  measure.  The  assembly  could  be  considered  as  little 
more  than  a  council,  though  even  in  this  view  it  was  doubtless 
beneficial.  The  company,  moreover,  reserved  to  itself  a  nega 
tive  on  their  decisions  ;  though  in  return  they  granted  one  to 
the  assembly  upon  their  own  ordinances. 

Meantime,  a  remarkable  change  had  taken  place  in  their  con 
stitution.  At  first  all  the  transactions  were  carried  on  by  the 
council,  the  other  members  being  merely  summoned  occasionally 
to  fill  up  its  vacancies.  The  early  disasters  and  the  total  ab 
sence  of  profit  probably  excited  clamours,  which,  at  its  last 
patent  in  1611,  led  to  the  arrangement  that  the  wThole  body 
should  be  convened  weekly  or  even  oftener,  and  decide  on  all 
affairs  of  any  importance.  In  these  meetings,  attended  often 
by  two  or  three  hundred,  a  reforming  party  arose,  who  not 
only  arraigned  various  measures,  but  called  for  an  entire  change 
of  management  as  the  only  effectual  remedy  for  the  existing 
evils.  After  a  series  of  struggles,  this  faction,  early  in  1619, 
attained  a  complete  ascendency,  which  they  used  to  eject  Sir 
Thomas  Smith,  against  whom  heavy  and  reiterated  complaints 
had  been  made,  from  the  office  of  treasurer,  and  to  appoint  in 
his  stead  Sir  Edwin  Sandys.  This  officer,  seconded  by  Lord 
Southampton,  Sir  John  Danvers,  and  other  patriotic  members, 
began  a  series  of  most  active  exertions  for  raising  the  colony 
from  its  deep  depression.  After  80,000/.  expended  in  the 
course  of  twelve  years,  it  contained  still  not  more  than  six  hun 
dred  inhabitants.  They  published  a  statement  tending  to  re 
move  the  unfavourable  effect  derived  from  so  many  failures. 
The  country  is  described  as  rich,  spacious,  and  well  watered, 


ARRIVAL  OF  NEW  COLONISTS.  1U7 

"  abounding  with  all  God's  natural  blessings,  and  too  good  for 
ill  people."  But  silence  is  observed  with  regard  to  tobacco, 
on  which  a  heavy  odium  still  rested.  The  iron  is  described  as 
admirable,  the  timber  the  finest  in  the  world,  and  capable  of 
yielding  in  perfection  tar,  pitch,  and  ashes.  The  main  hope, 
however,  was  still  placed  in  silk  and  wine,  the  capacity  for 
which  is  said  to  be  perfectly  equal  to  Italy  and  Persia ;  and 
though  the  attempts  hitherto  made  had  failed,  they  would  be  re 
newed  with  more  ample  means,  skill,  and  care.  To  compen 
sate  to  the  proprietors  for  the  entire  want  of  dividends,  and  at 
the  same  time  encourage  settlement,  it  was  voted  that  for  every 
12/.,  10.y.  of  stock,  there  should  be  granted  one  hundred  acres, 
and  on  the  occupation  of  this,  a  second  hundred.  Every  one 
who  should  emigrate  at  his  own  expense  was  to  receive  fifty 
acres,  on  which,  only  after  a  lapse  of  seven  years,  he  was 
to  pay  a  quit-rent  of  12d.  Very  advantageous  patents  were 
granted  to  those  who  undertook  to  convey  emigrants,  and  by 
the  exertions  of  the  company,  there  wrere  despatched  in  the 
course  of  1619,  twelve  ships  of  from  seventy  to  three  hundred 
and  fifty  tons,  and  conveying  no  fewer  than  twelve  hundred  and 
sixty-one  persons,  being  more  than  double  the  number  actually 
residing.  Ninety  maidens  of  unblemished  reputation  were  sent, 
to  enable  some  of  the  settlers  to  enjoy  the  comforts  of  ma 
trimony.  Next  year,  a  fresh  body  of  eight  hundred  were  de 
spatched,  including  one  hundred  females.  In  short,  during 
1619,  and  the  two  following  years,  there  were  conveyed  thirty- 
five  hundred  and  seventy  men  and  women,  with  fifteen  hundred 
head  of  cattle,  raising  the  population  to  more  than  six  times  its 
previous  number.  The  limits  of  settlement  wrere  thus  extended, 
more  than  sixty  miles  along  the  river ;  but  the  hope  of  pros 
perity  thereby  opened  was  marred  by  a  dreadful  and  unexpected 
calamity. 

Ever  since  the  marriage  of  Pocahontas,  the  English  and  na 
tives  had  lived  in  a  state  of  peace,  and  even  of  amity.  Pow- 
hatan  was  now  dead  ;  but  his  successor  had  expressed  the 


108  SETTLEMENT  OF  VIRGINIA. 

strongest  desire  to  maintain  undisturbed  the  existing  harmony. 
Sir  Francis  Wyatt,  sent  out  as  governor  in  1621,  received  in 
structions  to  observe  strictly  all  existing  treaties ;  and  the  com 
pany,  it  appears,  proceeded  on  the  principle  of  occupying  no 
lands  without  previous  purchase.  Under  these  circumstances, 
every  trace  of  the  former  enmity  between  the  two  races  seemed 
obliterated  ;  even  the  prohibition  against  holding  and  using  fire 
arms  was  discontinued ;  and  the  Indians  lived  in  the  most  fami 
liar  manner,  entering  at  pleasure  the  houses  of  the  planters. 
Yet,  in  fact,  a  fearful  change  had  taken  place,  and  the  most  fatal 
designs  were  already  secretly  formed.  The  English  writers  as 
sert,  that  there  was  absolutely  nothing  to  account  for  or  palliate 
their  savage  purpose  ;  but  it  ought  to  be  observed,  that  the  In 
dians  have  not  been  heard  for  themselves.  It  was  impossible 
for  them  to  view  without  alarm  the  large  bodies  which  arrived 
in  such  rapid  succession,  rendering  the  population  more  dense 
than  the  original  native  one ;  and  as  this  increase  seemed  to  go 
on  without  intermission,  it  would  soon  give  to  the  foreigners  an 
overwhelming  superiority. 

With  regard  to  the  boast  of  uniform  good  treatment,  we 
are  disposed  to  suspect,  that,  amid  the  miscellaneous  multi 
tude  poured  into  the  colony,  and  hastily  settled  in  places  re 
mote  from  the  seat  of  government,  many  may  have  been  guilty 
of  violence,  or  of  contempt  more  intolerable  still  to  proud 
minds.  Certain  it  is,  a  day  was  fixed  on  which  the  whole  of 
this  dreaded  race  was  to  be  exterminated  from  the  Virginian 
soil.  The  utmost  kindness,  and  even  fondness,  shown 'to  in 
dividuals  was  to  procure  no  exemption  ;  it  was  to  be  a  na 
tional  doom  and  deed.  The  secret,  too,  was  kept  with  that 
profound  dissimulation  which  so  deeply  marks  savage  vengeance. 
Opechancanough,  the  king,  several  days  before,  had  declared 
that  sooner  the  skies  would  fall  than  his  friendship  with  the 
English  be  dissolved.  They  continued,  to  the  last  moment, 
visiting,  conversing,  and  holding  the  most  friendly  intercourse 
with  those  whom  they  were  about  to  slay.  There  was  only 


THE  GREAT  MASSACRE. 


109 


The  Christian  Indian  discovering  the  plot  of  the  Massacre. 


one  exception,  which  saved  the  colony.  A  gentleman,  named 
Pace,  had  an  Indian  domestic,  whom  he  had  not  only  treated 
with  peculiar  kindness,  but  had  converted  to  the  Christian  reli 
gion.  Late  at  night  the  mandate  was  delivered  to  him  to  murder 
his  master  next  day  ;  instead  of  which  he  rose  from  bed,  and 
warned  him  of  the  danger.  Pace  was  separated  from  James 
town  by  the  river,  three  miles  broad  ;  but  he  hastily  rose,  got 
into  a  boat,  crossed  over,  and  gave  the  alarm  at  the  govern 
ment-house.  Thence  expresses  were  sent  to  all  places  within 
reach ;  and  thus  Henrico  and  Charles,  the  only  villages,  as  well 
as  the  densest  cluster  of  plantations,  were  saved.  But  in  the 
more  remote  settlements  the  storm  fell  in  all  its  fury.  While 
the  English,  without  the  slightest  suspicion,  were  busied  in  their 
usual  occupations  in  the  field,  house,  and  garden,  the  Indians, 
with  their  own  arms,  or  any  edge-tools  of  which  they  could 
lay  hold,  struck  them  dead  before  conscious  of  any  danger. 
10 


110 


SETTLEMENT  OF  VIRGINIA. 


The  Great  Massacre. 


Amid  the  general  dismay,  exaggerated  reports  were  circulated, 
and  have  even  been  admitted  into  respectable  narratives.  Smith 
states  the  number  of  victims  at  five  thousand,  while,  in  a 
pamphlet  ascribed  to  Berkeley,  it  is  rated  at  two  thousand. 
These,  however,  were  hearsay  accounts.  The  company  imme 
diately  published  a  statement  furnished  from  the  colony  by  Ed 
ward  Waterhouse,  one  of  their  servants,  in  which  is  inserted  the 
name  of  every  sufferer,  "  that  their  lawful  heirs  might  claim 
the  inheritance :"  and  the  whole  list  does  not  exceed  three 
hundred  and  forty-seven.  This,  at  a  time  when  there  must 
hare  been  in  the  colony  somewhat  above  four  thousand,  was 
not  a  great  numerical  loss :  but  it  obliged  them  to  relinquish  all 
their  outer  stations,  to  crowd  the  plantations  inconveniently  to 
gether,  and  to  keep  constantly  on  the  watch.  In  England,  the 
dread  and  horror  which  the  tidings  excited  for  some  time  with 
held  adventurers.  But  perhaps  the  greatest  evil  consisted  in 


EFFECTS  OF  THE  MASSACRE.  Ill 

the  state  of  relentless  hostility  in  which  it  placed  them  with  the 
native  tribes.  Waterhouse,  in  terms  which  we  cannot  approve, 
represents  it  as  an  advantage ;  that  their  hands  were  thereby 
set  at  liberty ;  that  instead  of  purchasing  waste  hind  at  large 
prices,  "  we  may  now,  by  right  of  war  and  law  of  nations,  in 
vade  the  country  and  destroy  them  who  sought  to  destroy  us ; 
we  "shall  enjoy  their  cultivated  places,  turning  the  laborious 
mattock  into  the  victorious  sword  (where  both  more  ease,  bene 
fit,  and  glory),  and  possessing  the  fruits  of  others'  labours." 
The  Indians  were  very  unequal  to  the  contest  which  they  had 
barbarously  provoked.  They  had  indeed  procured  a  quantity 
of  arms  and  gunpowder ;  but  they  sowed  most  of  the  latter, 
expecting  it  to  yield  a  crop  like  maize.  They  wanted  imple 
ments  as  well  as  discipline  to  contend  with  their  civilized  ene 
mies  ;  and  hence  by  degrees  they  were  either  exterminated  or 
driven  to  the  westward. 

This  event  was  particularly  disastrous  to  the  company,  in  re 
ference  to  a  momentous  contest  in  which  they  were  involved  at 
home.  James  soon  viewed  with  an  evil  eye  their  numerous 
meetings  and  warm  debates,  \vhich  were  represented  to  him  as 
a  seminary  for  a  seditious  parliament.  This  umbrage  was 
much  increased  owing  to  the  ascendency  gained  by  the  reform 
ing  party,  w?ho  were  identical  with  that  which  in  the  lower 
house  supported  popular  rights  against  his  prerogative.  This 
bo.ly,  on  the  expiry  of  Sir  Edwin  Sandys'  year  of  service,  were 
fully  prepared  to  re-elect  him.  But  on  meeting  for  that  pur 
pose,  what  was  their  consternation  when  there  was  presented  to 
them  on  the  king's  part  a  leet  of  six,  out  of  which  they  were 
required  to  choose  a  treasurer !  This  being  declared  to  be  a 
decided  violation  of  their  privileges,  Lords  Pembroke  and  South 
ampton  undertook  to  speak  to  his  majesty  on  the  subject.  They 
found  that  his  main  objection  was  pointed  against  the  present 
treasurer  ;  and  he  at  last  ungraciously  waived  every  other  point, 

saying  "  Choose  the  d 1,  if  you  please,  but  not  Sir  Edwin 

Sandys."     This  being  reported  at  the  next  meeting,  the  com- 


112  SETTLEMENT  OF  VIRGINIA. 

pany  "were  in  the  height  of  discontent,"  and  a  collision  with 
the  crown  seemed  inevitable,  when  Sir  John  Danvers  drew 
aside  Lord  Southampton,  and  dealt  with  him  "  to  own  the 
place."  His  lordship  said  he  knew  he  would  thus  incur  his 
sovereign's  severe  displeasure  ;  hut  in  order  that  this  pious  and 
glorious  work  might  be  encouraged,  they  might  do  with  him 
what  they  pleased.  His  high  character  secured  his  immediate 
election,  and  he  made  extraordinary  exertions  for  the  improve 
ment  of  the  colony.  Both  he  and  Sandys,  however,  were  soon 
after  committed  to  the  Tower,  when  Danvers  succeeded  as  trea 
surer.  At  the  same  time,  James  laid  the  most  exorbitant  taxes 
on  tobacco,  which  might  seem  inconsistent  with  his  having  so 
vehemently  denounced  it  as  odious  and  pernicious ;  but  he 
argued  that,  being  therefore  entitled  to  banish  or  burn  it,  any 
milder  course  might  be  considered  lenient.  Urged,  doubtless, 
by  his  necessities,  he  at  one  time  offered  for  20,0007.  to  leave 
the  entire  trade  in  the  hands  of  the  company  ;  and  some  of  the 
leading  members  were  disposed  to  have  agreed,  but  the  others 
considered  the  sacrifice  too  great. 

Being  unable  to  bring  the  association  to  his  terms,  the  king 
determined  to  proceed  to  extremity  against  them.  A  proposal 
was  transmitted  to  them  to  surrender  their  charter  arid  receive 
another,  according  to  which  he  should  appoint  all  the  principal 
officers,  and  exercise  the  whole  real  power.  This  blow  was  so 
unexpected,  that  the  members  could  not  believe  their  own  ears, 
and  caused  the  letter  to  be  read  three  times  over.  They  then 
remained  for  some  time  unable  to  utter  a  word,  when  at  length 
Argall  rose,  and  proposed  a  compliance  with  the  royal  demand. 
It  was  carried  against  him  by  one  hundred  arid  twelve  to  eight ; 
and  an  extraordinary  general  court  being  soon  after  called,  al 
though  many  absented  themselves,  there  was  still  a  majority  on 
this  side  of  seventy  to  nine.  The  monarch,  however,  being  de 
termined  to  carry  his  point,  raised  against  them  a  writ  of  quo 
warranto.  Their  books  and  papers  were  seized,  and  a  commis 
sion  sent  out  to  Virginia,  professedly  to  investigate,  but  really 


CONDUCT  OF  THE  KING. 


113 


to  collect  evidence  against  this  devoted  body.  Many  great 
abuses  had  distinguished  its  early  management ;  and,  though 
these  had  been  almost  entirely  reformed,  the  public  did  not  very 
nicely  discriminate.  The  only  recent  reproach  had  been  the 
want  of  precaution  against  the  Indians,  which  belonged  rather 
to  the  local  than  to  the  home  administration ;  yet  the  calamity 
had  been  so  direful  as  to  create  a  feeling  against  the  whole. 
Smith,  indignant  at  perhaps  unmerited  neglect,  gave  his  testi 
mony  against  them.  Finally,  the  courts,  composed  then  of 
judges  removable  by  the  crown,  passed,  in  June,  1624,  a  sen 
tence  declaring  the  charter  forfeited. 

His  majesty  in  this  whole  transaction  appears  to  have  been 
actuated  by  nothing  but  avarice  and  the  love  of  power.  He 
attacked  the  company,  not  during  their  early  misconduct,  but 
when,  having  renovated  themselves,  they  had  commenced  a 
career  of  patriotic  exertion,  and  he  leagued  himself  with  Sir 
Thomas  Smith  and  others,  the  real  authors  of  these  abuses. 
Generally,  indeed,  a  royal  administration  is  better  calculated  to. 
direct  a  rising  colony,  than  a  commercial  company,  always  in 
tent  on  present  profit.  Yet  Virginia  would  probably  have 
benefited  by  a  few  more  years  of  the  zealous  exertions  made  by 
the  late  council. 

It  has  been  asserted  by  Mr.  Chalmers,  and  generally  believed, 
that  James  abolished  all  the  franchises  of  Virginia  ;  but  Mr. 
Bancroft's  careful  researches  seem  to  prove  that  there  was  no 
constitutional  change.  The  assemblies  remained  as  before  ;  and 
as  the  boroughs  increased  with  the  population,  this  independent 
part  rose  into  greater  importance.  Wyatt  was  continued  in 
office,  and  a  council  appointed  with  great  impartiality.  They 
were  referred  for  their  rule  of  conduct  to  the  precedent  of  the 
last  five  years,  which  Mr.  Chalmers  thoughtlessly  calls  a  period 
of  the  greatest  tyranny ;  whereas  it  was  that  during  which  a 
representative  government  had  been  granted  and  the  colony 
every  way  well  governed. 

The  sovereign  continued  to  secure  tobacco  against  rivalry  in 
10* 

* 


SETTLEMENT  OF  VIRGINIA. 

Britain  ;  but  he  prohibited  its  exportation,  and  had  made  ar 
rangements  for  confining  the  whole  trade  to  his  agents,  who 
were  to  receive  the  produce  at  a  stipulated  price,  and  retail  it 
for  him, — a  project  which  was  arrested  by  his  death  on  the  27th 
March,  162o.  He  left  behind  him  an  equivocal  and  rather  low 
reputation ;  yet  his  zeal  for  the  promotion  of  colonial  interests 
appears  to  have  been  sincere,  and  formed  perhaps  the  best  trait 
in  his  character. 

•  Charles  I.  inherited  the  arbitrary  principles  of  his  father,  but 
with  a  mild  though  somewhat  unsteady  disposition.  He  appears 
never  to  have  thought  of  altering  the  Virginian  constitution ; 
and,  on  the  death  of  Wyatt,  appointed  Sir  George  Yeardley,  a 
highly  popular  governor.  He  endeavoured,  however,  to  follow 
up  the  tobacco  monopoly ;  but,  through  a  strong  remonstrance, 
signed  by  the  governor,  five  of  the  council,  and  thirty-one  bur 
gesses,  he  was  induced  to  desist.  On  the  death  of  Yeardley  in 
1627,  the  council  elected,  successively,  West  and  Pott,  as  in 
terim-governors. 

In  1629,  John  Harvey  was  sent  out  by  Charles,  with  a  con 
siderable  number  of  emigrants,  though  under  unfavourable  aus 
pices,  having  been  distinguished  as  an  enemy  to  the  late  popular 
managers.  Historians,  in  general,  have  represented  this  govern 
ment  as  one  of  unmixed  tyranny.  "  Under  him,"  says  Chalmers, 
"  the  Virginians  seem  to  have  been  ruled  rather  as  the  vassals  of 
an  eastern  despot,  than  as  the  subjects  of  the  King  of  England. 
They  were  governed  as  a  conquered  people,  without  either 
moderation,  or  good  humour,  or  justice."  Yet,  Mr.  Bancroft, 
by  reference  to  the  statute-book,  has  ascertained  that  the  charge 
of  levying  taxes  without  a  representative  sanction  is  unfounded, 
— the  assembly  having  regularly  met  during  the  whole  period 
of  his  administration.  The  chief  complaints  are  a  rigid  exac 
tion  of  certain  fines,  and  a  haughty  demeanour  towards  the 
council ;  and  it  was  by  them,  not  the  people,  that  in  1636,  he 
was  sent  to  England,  loaded  with  heavy  charges.  Charles 
would  not  even  admit  his  accusers  to  an  audience ;  and,  though 


BERKELEY  APPOINTED  GOVERNOR. 


115 


Arrest  of  Harvey. 


this  was  doubtless  prompted  by  his  high  notions  of  prerogative, 
yet,  as  his  temper  was  humane,  it  becomes  the  more  improba 
ble  that  the  alleged  crimes  were  very  atrocious.  Harvey  re 
turned  triumphant,  and  continued  in  office  more  than  two  years, 
when  he  was  succeeded  by  Sir  Francis  VVyatt.  The  latter, 
after  two  years  more,  yielded  the  place  to  Sir  William  Berkeley, 
who  assumed  the  government  in  February,  1642. 

Berkeley  has  been  generally  panegyrized  as  the  greatest 
benefactor  of  Virginia,  and  the  most  perfect  model  of  a  colonial 
ruler.  We  find  some  difficulty  in  discovering  wherein  this 
superlative  excellence  consisted.  In  religion,  he  was  a  com 
plete  bigot  to  the  Church  of  England,  and  by  prohibiting  every 
other  form  of  worship,  drove  or  kept  thousands  out  of  the 
settlement.  He  opposed  the  most  determined  resistance  to  the 
diffusion  of  knowledge,  even  in  its  most  elementary  form,  say 
ing,  "  Thank  God,  there  are  no  free  schools,  nor  printing,  and 
I  hope  we  shall  not  have  these  hundred  years;  for  learning  has 
brought  disobedience,  and  heresy,  and  sects,  into  the  world  ; 
and  printing  has  divulged  them  and  libels  against  the  best 
government.  God  keep  us  from  both."  He  no  doubt  showed 
a  laudable  anxiety  for  the  physical  well-being  of  the  people, 


116  SETTLEMENT  OF  VIRGINIA. 

yet  he  appears  to  have  carried  to  excess  the  reigning  antipathy 
to  tobacco,  devoting  his  efforts  wholly  to  the  production  of  silk, 
wine,  glass,  ashes,  and  similar  articles,  which  the  circumstances 
of  the  colony  rendered  premature.  All  his  views,  indeed,  were 
shared  by  the  leading  men  in  the  plantation,  and  standing  fore 
most  in  support  of  their  errors,  he  obtained  their  applause. 
His  popularity  appears  to  have  been  aided  by  mild  and  concilia 
tory  manners.  Mr.  Bancroft,  however,  has  clearly  shown,  in 
opposition  to  Chalmers,  and  even  to  Story,  that  he  carried  out 
no  new  franchises;  and  that  the  representative  assembly,  which 
he  is  described  as  having  restored,  had  never  ceased  to  meet. 

Ever  since  the  dreadful  massacre  of  1622,  a  vindictive  war 
fare  had  been  waged  with  the  Indians,  chiefly  by  predatory  in 
cursions  into  their  territory  ;  and  in  the  year  1643,  the  assem 
bly  voted  that  no  terms  of  peace  with  them  should  be  enter 
tained.  That  unfortunate  people,  driven  to  despair,  again  en 
tered  into  a  general  confederacy,  hoping,  by  a  sudden  attack,  to 
cut  off  the  hated  race  who  had  seized  their  lands.  This  step 
could  not  now  be  reproached  with  treachery,  nor  could  suspi 
cion  be  lulled  by  professions  of  friendship ;  yet  through  their 
habits  of  deep  dissimulation,  they,  in  some  degree,  effected  a 
surprise.  About  three  hundred  colonists  were  killed  ;  but  as 
soon  as  the  main  body  were  roused,  the  savage  assailants  were 
completely  defeated,  pursued  into  their  own  country,  and  Ope- 
chancanough,  their  king,  taken  prisoner.  Though  well  treated, 
he  felt  indignant  at  the  multitudes  who  were  allowed  to  come 
into  his  prison,  and  satisfy  their  curiosity  by  viewing  his  per 
son  ;  assuring  Berkeley  that,  had  fortune  reversed  their  situa 
tion,  he  would  not  have  meanly  exhibited  his  captive  as  a  show. 
A  brutal  soldier  put  an  end  to  his  life  by  shooting  him  in  the 
back ;  and  the  Indians  were  now  so  far  overawed,  that  the 
governor,  in  1646,  could  impose  a  treaty,  including  an  extensive 
cession  of  territory.  A  considerable  interval  of  tranquillity  now 
elapsed. 

Meantime,  the  great  civil  contest  was  waged  in  England, 


LOYALTY  OF  THE  COLONISTS. 


117 


Opcchancanough  reproving  Berkeley. 


which  terminated  in  the  death  of  Charles  I.,  the  temporary 
downfall  of  the  throne  and  aristocracy,  and  the  establishment  of 
a  republic.  These  proceedings  were  in  the  highest  degree  dis 
tasteful  to  the  high  church  and  monarchy  men  of  Virginia. 
They  not  only  declined  all  concurrence,  but  announced  a  deter 
mination  to  resist  them  at  the  peril  of  their  lives.  On  the  exe 
cution  of  the  king,  his  exiled  son  was  immediately  proclaimed 
sovereign,  and  his  rule  continued  in  the  American  colony,  after 
it  had  ceased  in  every  part  of  his  European  dominions.  He 
forwarded  to  Sir  William  Berkeley  a  fresh  commission,  authoriz- 


118  SETTLEMENT  OF  VIRGINIA, 

ing  him  to  erect  fortifications ;  and,  in  return,  that  governor 
transmitted  to  Charles  assurances  of  the  most  ardent  zeal  for 
his  house,  and  hinted  an  invitation  that  he  should  take  up  his 
residence  in  the  New  World. 

The  leaders  of  the  Long  Parliament,  statesmen  of  the  highest 
vigour,  and  flushed  with  their  signal  triumph,  were  not  likely  to 
allow  their  power  to  be  braved  by  an  infant  colony  beyond  the 
seas.  In  1650,  a  memorable  ordinance  was  passed,  in  which 
this  republican  body  laid  down  maxims,  afterwards  considered 
so  tyrannical  as  to  drive  all  America  into  rebellion  and  separa 
tion.  It  recited,  "  that  colonies  planted  at  the  cost  of  and 
settled  by  the  people  and  by  the  authority  of  this  nation,  are 
and  ought  to  be  subordinate  to  and  dependent  upon  England  ; 
that  they  ever  have  been  and  ought  to  be  subject  to  such  laws 
and  regulations  as  are  or  shall  be  made  by  the  parliament." 
Proceeding  still  farther,  on  the  ground  that  divers  acts  of  rebel 
lion  had  been  committed  by  the  Virginians,  who  had  set  them 
selves  in  opposition  to  the  power  of  the  commonwealth,  the 
edict  declared  them  "notorious  robbers  and  traitors,"  forbade 
all  intercourse  with  them,  and  authorized  the  sending  of  a  fleet 
to  reduce  them  to  obedience. 

On  condition  of  acknowledging  the  commonwealth,  they  were 
offered  a  free  pardon,  and  all  the  privileges  now  enjoyed  by  the 
English  people ;  while  in  case  of  resistance,  war  was  to  be 
waged  with  unsparing  energy,  and  even  the  negro  slaves  and 
indentured  servants  were  to  be  armed  against  their  masters.  In 
pursuance  of  these  instructions,  Sir  George  Ayscue,  a  distin 
guished  naval  commander,  was  sent  out  \vith  a  strong  fleet, 
having  on  board  a  body  of  troops.  For  the  settlement  of  the 
civil  government,  five  commissioners  were  nominated,  two  of 
wThom,  Eennet  and  Clayborne,  belonged  to  Virginia,  but  had 
distinguished  themselves  there  by  opposition  to  the  ruling  party. 

In  March,  165*2,  Ayscue  anchored  in  Chesapeake  Bay,  when 
the  colonists,  listening  to  the  dictates  of  prudence  rather  than 
of  heroism,  and  without  drawing  a  sword,  opened  a  nego- 


BENNET  CHOSEN  GOVERNOR.  119 

tiation  with  the  invaders.  The  terms  were  liberal,  chiefly,  it 
should  seem,  because  the  parliament  had  no  wish  to  impose 
others.  The  Virginians  obtained  a  complete  amnesty ;  they 
were  promised  a  trade  as  free  as  that  of  England,  and  were 
confirmed  in  all  their  political  rights.  They  obtained  even  a 
new  privilege  in  the  election  of  their  own  governor ;  but  that 
this  was  merely  nominal,  seems  proved  by  their  unanimous 
choice  of  Bennet,  the  chief  parliamentary  commissioner,  who, 
for  his  puritan  and  republican  principles,  had  shortly  before  been 
banished  from  the  colony.  Bennet  appears  to  have  been  a 
respectable  and  moderate  man,  whose  personal  wrongs  did  not 
impel  him  to  any  vindictive  measures. 

The  interests  of  the  colony  were  more  seriously  affected 
through  an  act  passed  by  parliament  in  1652,  restricting  the 
traffic  of  the  colonies  to  the  mother  country.  This  certainly 
appears,  as  Mr.  Graham  observes,  a  breach  of  the  capitulation 
allowing  them  a  trade  as  free  as  that  of  England.  We  are, 
however,  inclined  to  believe  that  the  restriction  was  not  en 
forced  with  great  rigour ;  and  that  the  advancing  prosperity 
of  the  colony  was  rather  promoted  by  the  new  system.  It 
put  an  end  to  the  persecution  of  the  puritans,  by  which  many 
industrious  citizens  had  been  driven  away  ;  and,  with  the  ex 
ception  only  of  the  Quakers,  complete  religious  liberty  was 
established. 

Bennet,  for  what  reason  does  not  appear,  retired  from  the 
government  early  in  1655 ;  and  the  assembly  supplied  his  place 
by  Edward  Diggs,  of  whom  nothing  particular  is  recorded. 
Early  in  1658,  another  vacancy  occurred,  when  the  office  was 
filled  by  Samuel  Matthews,  an  old  hospitable  planter,  and  "  a 
most  deserving  common-wealth's  man  ;"  which  last  quality,  we 
suspect,  was  still  rendered  necessary  by  the  dread  of  English 
authority.  The  assembly  took  advantage,  however,  of  the 
liberal  ideas  newly  introduced  to  extend  their  own  functions  ; 
and  they  succeeded  in  ejecting  from  their  sittings  the  governor 
aHcl  council,  whose  power  of  voting  had  greatly  restricted  their 


120  SETTLEMENT  OF  VIRGINIA. 

independence.  They  enlarged  the  elective  franchise,  which 
was  made  to  include  all  freemen  ;  the  indented  servants  being 
allowed  to  exercise  it  at  the  expiration  of  their  term.  They 
obliged  the  governor  to  yield  the  right  of  dissolving  them ;  and 
when  he  threatened  an  appeal  to  the  supreme  tribunal  at  home, 
they  deposed  and  then  re-elected  him,  on  condition  of  submit 
ting  to  their  terms.  They  thus  centered  in  themselves  nearly 
all  the  powers  of  the  state.  Finally,  taking  advantage,  we 
suspect,  of  Cromwell's  inattention  rather  than  receiving  his 
sanction,  they  threw  open  their  commerce  to  all  the  world. 

On  the  death  of  the  Protector  being  announced,  the  assem 
bly  without  hesitation  recognised  his  son  Richard,  taking  pre 
caution,  however,  that  their  newly  obtained  privileges  should  not 
be  abridged.  On  receiving  the  notice  of  his  forced  abdication, 
they  proved  the  unaltered  state  of  their  political  feelings  by  re 
calling  to  the  government  their  old  favourite,  Sir  William 
Berkeley.  This,  however,  says  Murray,  did  not  amount,  as 
has  been  sometimes  supposed,  to  a  premature  recognition  of 
Charles  II.  It  was  declared  by  both  parties  to  be  merely  a 
provisional  measure  amid  the  present  distractions,  and  until 
some  positive  instructions  could  be  received  from  England.  Eut 
it  was  a  daring  step,  which  would  doubtless  have  drawn  down 
the  resentment  of  the  republican  party,  could  they  have  retained 
their  power.  All  apprehensions  were  removed  by  the  intelli 
gence  of  the  restoration  of  the  young  king,  an  event  which, 
though  it  made  a  gloomy  impression  on  other  colonies,  was  re 
ceived  here  with  the  highest  exultation.  Berkeley,  with  gen 
eral  consent,  exercised  his  functions  of  governor  under  the 
royal  commission.  In  his  majesty's  name  he  called  an  assem 
bly,  the  composition  of  which  clearly  showed  that  the  general 
will  had  not  before  been  fully  represented,  since,  of  the  mem 
bers  of  the  preceding  parliament,  only  eight  were  re-elected. 

The  aristocratic  rule  was  thus  fully  restored  ;  but  its  in 
fluence  in  many  respects  was  not  auspicious.  The  exclusive 
establishment  of  the  English  Church,  and  the  persecution  of 


THE  NAVIGATION  ACT.  121 

dissenters,  which  had  deprived  the  country  of  so  many  valuable 
citizens,  were  renewed  in  all  their  rigour.  The  suffrage,  which 
under  the  commonwealth  had  been  made  universal,  was  limited 
noV  to  freeholders  and  householders,  leaving  the  range  still  suf 
ficiently  wide.  A  more  serious  innovation  respected  the  period 
of  sitting,  which  had  been  made  biennial,  and  was  not  indeed 
altered  by  law ;  but  the  assembly  actually  prolonged  its  own 
duration  for  ten  or  twelve  successive  years,  and  showed  even 
then  no  intention  of  dissolving,  had  circumstances  not  compel 
led  them.  All  means  of  instructing  and  enlightening  the  peo 
ple  were  systematically  discouraged. 

The  restoration  exposed  the  colonists  to  another  great  evil, 
which  they  seemed  to  have  little  reason  to  apprehend.  The 
Navigation  Act,  passed  under  the  commonwealth,  limiting  their 
commerce  to  the  mother  country,  had  been  much  evaded,  and 
latterly  altogether  disregarded.  Its  provisions,  however,  were 
now  re-enacted  with  increased  rigour,  and  with  strict  rules  for 
their  enforcement ;  and  the  merchants  of  England,  imbued  with 
the  erroneous  notions  then  prevalent  respecting  the  advantages 
derivable  from  such  monopolies,  used  all  their  influence  in  its 
support.  Even  Charles  showed  a  zeal  on  the  subject  which 
could  scarcely  have  been  expected  from  his  careless  temper. 
The  Virginians  requested  Berkeley  to  repair  to  London  and 
plead  their  cause,  which  he  seems  to  have  done  zealously.  He 
represented  the  low  state  to  which  the  colony  was  reduced  by  the 
depression  in  the  price  of  tobacco,  their  only  exportable  staple ; 
wine  and  silk  having  hitherto  failed.  At  present,  it  could  ill 
afford  the  40,000/.  which  the  monopoly  cost,  and  all  of  which 
went  to  enrich  a  few  English  merchants.  He  urged,  with  or 
without  reason,  that  while  the  turbulent  New  Englanders  hesi 
tated  not  to  evade  or  disregard  these  regulations,  the  loyal  Vir 
ginians  submitted,  and  became  the  victims  of  their  obedience. 
All  these  arguments  were  vainly  urged  to  a  nation  and  sovereign 
who  regarded  the  measure  with  such  fond  partiality. 

An  internal  cause  still  more  cruelly  interrupted  the  success  of 
11 


122  SETTLEMENT  OF  VIRGINIA. 

the  colony.  The  Indians,  once  so  hostile,  had  for  a  long  time 
been  overawed  or  conciliated  ;  but  the  Susquehannas,  a  singu 
larly  fierce  tribe,  having  been  driven  from  the  north  by  the  Five 
Nations,  began  to  commit  depredations  upon  the  frontiers.  The 
colonists  on  the  border,  possessing  doubtless  much  of  the  law 
less  character  of  back-settlers,  violently  retaliated.  Six  chiefs, 
sent  by  the  Indians  to  treat  for  peace,  were  seized  and  put  to 
death  ;  and  the  just  indignation  expressed  by  Berkeley  at  this 
outrage  gave  great  offence.  After  war  had  raged  some  time, 
that  people  again  made  pacific  overtures,  but  without  success. 
The  governor,  however,  endeavoured  to  second  their  object,  and 
to  mitigate  the  ferocious  spirit  which  now  animated  the  colo 
nists.  These  humane  efforts  were  adverse  to  their  present  dis 
position,  and  lost  to  him  that  popularity  which  he  had  so  long 
enjoyed,  while  his  views  and  even  his  errors  were  in  unison  with 
theirs.  The  consequences  soon  proved  disastrous. 

Nathaniel  Bacon,  son  of  a  respectable  family  in  Suffolk,  car 
ried  out  the  unusual  fortune  of  1SOO/.,  and,  possessing  an  un 
common  share  of  address,  eloquence,  and  intelligence,  acquired 
great  influence  and  a  seat  in  the  council.  Having  formed  a 
border  plantation  on  the  upper  part  of  James  river,  he  found 
the  war  raging  with  the  Indians,  who  carried  it  on  with  their 
usual  cruelties.  Ill-informed  perhaps  of  the  wrongs  by  which 
they  had  been  impelled,  he  sympathized  with  the  sufferings  of 
his  countrymen,  and  entertained  an  eager  desire  for  revenge. 
A  farm  of  his  own  being  attacked,  and  the  servants  killed,  he 
took  up  arms  without  the  knowledge  of  Berkeley,  and  rallying 
round  him  all  inspired  by  similar  sentiments,  was  soon  at  the 
head  of  five  hundred  men.  The  governor  denounced  this  arma 
ment  as  rebellious,  and  issued  a  mandate  to  disperse,  which  was 
partly  obeyed.  His  attention  was  distracted,  however,  by  a 
rising  of  the  popular  party  in  the  lower  province,  to  resist  the 
aristocratic  ascendant.  The  two  interests  became  united  ;  and 
the  government,  unable  to  resist,  were  obliged  to  agree  that 
the  assembly,  having  now  sat  an  exorbitant  time,  should  be  dis- 


BACON'S  REBELLION. 

solved)  and  a  new  one  elected.  The  result  was  entirely  on  the 
popular  side ;  universal  suffrage  was  restored ;  all  arbitrary 
taxation  abolished  ;  and  various  abuses  suppressed,  though  with 
out  any  vindictive  proceedings  against  their  authors. 

Bacon  had  at  first  been  made  prisoner  ;  but  on  so  strong  a 
manifestation  of  the  assembly's  will,  he  was  set  at  liberty,  arid 
even  promised  a  commission  ;  but  this  was  ultimately  refused. 
He  then  secretly  withdrew,  and  assembled  five  or  six  hundred 
men,  with  whom  he  became  complete  master  of  the  govern 
ment.  Sir  William  strenuously  resisted  ;  and,  with  the  bold 
ness  of  an  old  cavalier,  bared  his  breast  to  the  adversary,  say 
ing,  "  A  fair  mark  —  shoot  I"  Bacon  declared  they  did  not 
wish  to  hurt  a  hair  of  his  head,  but  only  desired  a  commission 
to  save  their  lives  from  the  Indians.  The  authority  was  granted 
to  him,  and  he  marched  to  the  frontier. 

As  soon,  however,  as  the  immediate  pressure  was  removed,  the 
governor,  rashly,  as  it  should  seem,  published  a  proclamation, 
reversing  all  the  proceedings  of  the  assembly,  and  again  declar 
ing  Bacon  a  traitor.  This  step  immediately  kindled  a  civil  war. 
That  daring  chief  marched  back  towards  Jamestown,  and  was 
joined  by  numerous  adherents  of  the  popular  class.  The  pro 
perty  of  the  royalists  was  confiscated,  their  wives  seized,  and 
carried  along  with  the  troops  as  hostages ;  and  these  violences 
being  retaliated,  wide  devastation  was  spread  over  the  country. 
Berkeley,  meantime,  had  assembled  in  the  capital  his  friends, 
with  some  seamen  landed  from  vessels  in  the  harbour.  Here, 
however,  they  were  soon  besieged,  and  being  repulsed  in  a  sally, 
found  themselves  no  match  for  the  hardy  borderers.  It  was 
necessary  to  evacuate  the  town  during  the  night,  and  withdraw 
his  entire  force  to  the  eastern  shore,  leaving  the  whole  west  in 
possession  of  the  insurgents. 

Bacon  now  acted  entirely  as  ruler  of  Virginia,  and  declaring 
the  governor  to  have  abdicated,  summoned  an  assembly  in  his 
own  name.  It  was  determined  to  resist  any  attempts  from  the 
mother  country  to  restore  Berkeley  to  power,  and,  indeed,  the 


124  SETTLEMENT  OF  VIRGINIA. 

resolution  was  almost  fixed  to  throw  off  its  yoke  altogether. 
As  Jamestown  might  afford  a  position  for  establishing  an  Eng 
lish  force,  the  violent  measure  was  adopted  of  devoting  it  to  the 
flames.  This  was  executed  with  such  ruthless  determination, 
that  the  fires  being  kindled  in  the  night,  there  remained  in  the 
morning  scarcely  a  vestige  of  that  original  capital,  which  has 
never  again  reared  its  head.  Nothing  now  appeared  to  remain 
but  to  cross  the  river  and  drive  before  them  the  discouraged 
remnant  of  Berkeley's  forces.  Suddenly,  however,  the  leader 
sickened,  and,  after  a  short  illness,  died ;  a  catastrophe  that  put 
an  end  to  the  insurrection,  which,  after  all,  had  not  any  deep 
root  among  the  nation.  Its  temporary  success  seems  to  have 
been  owing  to  the  union  of  the  border  settlers  with  the  popular 
faction  ;  but  the  latter,  forming  still  a  decided  minority,  could 
not  permanently  support  it.  Several  of  the  leaders  attempted 
to  stand,  but  were  successively  reduced  and  taken  by  Beverley, 
an  active  royalist  chief. 

The  governor,  whose  feelings  seem  throughout  the  whole 
transaction  to  have  been  greatly  excited,  acted  now  with  exces 
sive  rigouri  Twenty  persons  were  hanged,  and  it  is  supposed 
that  a  greater  number  would  have  endured  the  same  punish 
ment,  had  not  the  assembly  presented  an  address,  entreating 
"that  he  would  spill  no  more  blood."  One  of  the  deputies 
said,  "  had  we  let  him  alone,  he  would  have  hanged  half  the 
country."  Charles  II.,  whose  disposition  was  not  cruel,  ex 
claimed,  "  the  old  fool  has  taken  away  more  lives  than  I  for  the 
murder  of  my  father,"  and  issued  a  proclamation  censuring  this 
conduct  as  derogatory  to  his  clemency. 

Sir  William  was  recalled,  and  his  place  temporarily  supplied 
by  Colonel  Jeffereys,  wTho,  with  two  others,  constituted  a  com 
mission  of  inquiry.  They  seem  to  have  made  it  very  searching, 
with  even  a  friendly  disposition  toward  the  people.  The  dif 
ferent  counties  were  invited  to  produce  statements  of  grievances, 
and  the  records  of  the  assembly  were  forced  from  their  clerk, 
— a  measure  against  which  they  strongly  remonstrated.  A  re- 


CULPEPER  APPOINTED  GOVERNOR.  125 

port  was  drawn  up,  in  which,  while  the  conduct  of  the  insur 
gents  was  strongly  condemned,  that  of  the  government  and 
several  members  of  the  council  was  also  censured.  These  re 
flections  against  Berkeley  are  supposed  to  have  hastened  his 
death,  which  took  place  before  he  had  an  interview  with  the 
king.  The  assembly  then  felt  a  revival  of  their  old  attach 
ment.  They  passed  a  vote,  declaring,  that  he  had  been  an  ex 
cellent  governor,  and  recommended  a  grant  to  Lady  Berkeley 
of  300/.  Jeffereys,  during  his  short  administration,  had  the 
satisfaction  of  putting  an  end,  on  approved  terms,  to  the  Indian 
war. 

We  must  now  mention,  that  in  1649,  after  the  death  of 
Charles  I.,  several  royajjst  noblemen  had  obtained  a  grant  of 
the  territory  between  the  Rappahannock  and  the  Potomac, 
called  the  Northern  Neck  of  Virginia,  with  the  view  of  mak 
ing  it  a  place  of  refuge  for  their  adherents.  This  donation, 
owing  to  the  ruin  of  their  cause,  did  not  then  take  effect ;  and 
in  1669,  the  owners  sold  their  rights  to  Lords  Culpeper  and 
Arlington.  The  former,  in  1673,  procured  also  from  the 
thoughtless  monarch  a  lease  for  thirty-one  years  of  the  quit- 
rents,  escheats,  and  other  casualties,  of  all  Virginia.  The  colo 
nists  sent  a  deputation,  strenuously  to  remonstrate  against  this 
arrangement,  as  interfering  with  the  actual  state  of  property 
and  occupation ;  but  though  they  received  favourable  promises, 
they  did  not  ultimately  succeed.  On  the  contrary,  Charles  now 
granted  a  patent  to  Culpeper  as  governor  for  life  ;  who,  aim 
ing  only  at  gain,  was  in  no  haste  to  take  possession  of  so  trou 
bled  a  country,  and  went  at  last  only  in  obedience  to  an  urgent 
mandate  from  the  king. 

The  colony  was  found  tolerably  quiet,  and  a  general  amnesty 
was  proclaimed,  writh  very  few  exceptions.  Penalties  were 
enacted  against  those  .who  should  defame  the  administration, 
propagate  false  news,  and  maliciously  stir  up  the  people  against 
the  governor.  Limits  were  set  to  the  popular  composition  of 
the  assembly,  as  well  as  to  the  frequency  and  duration  of  its 
11* 


126  SETTLEMENT  OF  VIRGINIA. 

sittings.  An  appeal  from  the  courts,  hitherto  allowed  to  that 
body,  was  now  vested  solely  in  the  crown.  After  all,  the 
severest  suffering  arose  from  the  extremely  low  price  still 
brought  by  tobacco ;  and  hence  the  desperate  expedient  was 
imagined,  of  entirely  suspending  its  cultivation  for  a  year. 
The  assembly  passed  an  act  to  that  effect,  which  was  negatived 
by  the  crown  ;  yet  so  bent  were  the  colonists  upon  it,  that  they 
formed  an  association  to  destroy  all  that  was  planted  within  the 
period.  This  spirit  rose  to  a  sort  of  rebellion,  and  was  put 
down  only  by  some  severe  examples.  An  act  was  also  passed 
to  promote  cohabitation,  or  the  formation  of  towns,  with  a 
view  to  establish  manufactures.  This  was  a  premature  attempt 
to  force  a  branch  for  which  the  country  was  by  no  means  ripe; 
yet  the  negative  on  it  from  England,  being  inspired  probably 
by  monopolizing  views,  caused  great  discontent. 

Culpeper  was  avaricious  and  unpopular.  He  raised  his 
own  allowance  to  an  exorbitant  height ;  he  altered  the  value 
of  the  coin ;  he  appeared  to  dislike  the  settlement  as  a  residence, 
making  only  two  short  compulsory  visits.  He  enforced  also  in 
a  grasping  manner  his  proprietory  patent.  Heavy  complaints 
were  sent  home,  to  which  Charles,  who  regretted  perhaps  hav 
ing  parted  with  so  much  power,  not  unwillingly  listened.  His 
commission  as  governor  \vas  subjected  to  the  decision  of  a  jury 
of  Middlesex,  who  declared  it  forfeited.  Virginia  became  again 
a  royal  colony,  and  no  future  ruler  held  his  office  except  at  the 
pleasure  of  the  crown. 

Lord  Howard  of  Effingham,  who  succeeded,  did  not  render 
himself  more  acceptable,  being  accused  of  studying  profit  still 
more  devotedly,  and  of  securing  it  by  the  meanest  practices. 
He  established  a  Court  of  Chancery  wfth  exhorbitant  fees,  and 
is  alleged  to  have  shared  the  emoluments  of  this  arid  other  de 
partments  with  his  own  clerks.  He  carried  with  him  very  ar 
bitrary  instructions  against  printing,  and  for  the  enforcement 
of  the  Navigation  Act,  w;hich  had  begun  to  be  relaxed.  He 
terminated,  however,  an  Indian  war ;  the  assembly  passed 


NICHOLSON'S  GOVERNMENT.  127 

some  useful  laws,  and  though,  from  the  low  price  of  its  staple, 
wealth  did  hot  flow  hi,  the  population  probably  continued  to 
multiply. 

James  II.  continued  Lord  Effingham,  and  of  course  his  arbi 
trary  system.  Yet  his  declarations  in  favour  of  toleration, 
though  made  for  the  interest  of  the  Catholics,  procured  some  re 
lief  to  the  oppressions  endured  by  the  dissenters.  A  casual  ad 
vantage  arose  from  the  excessive  rigour  against  the  adherents 
of  Monmouth.  When  Jefferies  and  Kirke  had  sated  themselves 
with  blood,  a  number  of  minor  offenders  were  adjudged  to  ser 
vitude  in  Virginia  for  ten  years.  The  courtiers  eagerly  con 
tended  for  lots  of  these  exiles,  who  made  a  valuable  addi 
tion  to  the  population ;  and  after  the  Revolution,  they  received 
a  pardon. 

Effingham,  apparently  disgusted  with  the  discontent  of  the 
people,  returned  to  England  in  1688,  followed  by  Philip  Lud- 
well,  who,  as  agent  for  the  assembly,  brought  heavy  charges 
against  him.  These  fell  under  the  cognizance  of  William  III. ; 
but  that  monarch,  being,  for  the  colonies  by  no  means  popularly 
inclined,  determined  mostly  in  his  favour.  He  was  reinstated, 
on  condition,  however,  of  exercising  his  functions  by  a  deputy, 
Colonel  Nicholson.  The  latter  was  furnished  with  very  arbi 
trary  instructions,  and  desired  even  to  avoid  if  possible  the  call 
ing  of  an  assembly.  But,  being  an  intelligent  man,  he  soon 
saw  that  this  was  out  of  the  question,  and  summoned  one  with 
a  good  grace.  Many  of  the  colonists  were  gaily  disposed, 
and  he  instituted  races  and  trials  of  skill  in  shooting,  wrestling, 
and  other  exercises,  with  which  they  were  highly  gratified. 
Finding  also  a  laudable  desire  to  emerge  out  of  the  profound 
ignorance  in  which  they  had  been  so  studiously  kept,  he  pro 
vided  a  royal  donative  for  the  foundation  of  a  college  named 
William  and  Mary.  This  seminary,  the  first  established  in  the 
southern  settlements,,  excited  an  intense  interest,  and  persons 
crowded  from  all  the  neighbouring  colonies  to  witness  its  open 
ing.  He  seconded  also  for  some  time  their  favourite  scheme  of 


128  SETTLEMENT  OF  VIRGINIA. 

cohabitation  and  manufactures,  but  was  obliged  to  desist  by 
orders  from  home. 

In  1692,  the  government  was  conferred  on  Sir  Edward  An- 
dros,  while  Nicholson  went  as  his  lieutenant  to  Maryland. 
This  appointment  on  the  part  of  William  was  little  expected, 
the  deputy  having  had  in  New  England  the  reputation  of  an 
oppressive  tool  of  the  despotism  of  James.  His  arrival  accord 
ingly  excited  the  most  sinister  apprehensions,  which  were  hap 
pily  disappointed.  Being  a  man  of  sense  and  ability,  he  ac 
commodated  himself  to  changed  circumstances,  pursued  the 
course  of  his  predecessor  with  more  judgment,  and  enjoyed  still 
greater  popularity.  In  six  years  he  was  recalled,  and  the  colo 
nists  again  got  Nicholson  ;  but  a  very  unfavourable  change  had 
taken  place  in  his  character.  Of  a  bold  and  aspiring  disposi 
tion,  he  had  formed  the  plan  of  a  general  combination  of  the 
colonies  for  mutual  defence.  A  pecuniary  contingent  wras  to 
be  paid  by  each,  to  be  placed  at  the  king's  disposal  for  main 
taining  troops  and  erecting  forts.  This  plan  obtained  the 
hearty  consent  of  William,  and  the  governor,  hoping  to  be 
placed  at  its  head,  most  zealously  promoted  it.  He  was  deeply 
disappointed  when  the  assembly  met  it  by  an  unqualified  rejec 
tion.  He  induced  the  king  to  recommend  the  measure  to  them, 
but  without  effect,  and  his  majesty  did  not  choose  to  take  any 
stronger  course. 

Nicholson,  completely  chagrined,  took  every  opportunity  of 
representing  the  Virginians  in  an  unfavourable  light,  and  re 
commending  an  abridgment  of  their  liberties.  He  described 
them  to  the  ministers  of  Anne  as  imbued  with  "  republican  no 
tions  and  principles,  such  as  ought  to  be  corrected,  and  lowered 
in  time ;"  complaining  that  "  those  wrong  pernicious  notions 
were  improving  daily,  not  only  in  Virginia,  but  in  all  her  ma 
jesty's  other  governments."  In  subsequent  memorials,  he  sug 
gested  that  all  the  American  colonies  should  be  reduced  under 
one  viceroy,  and  a  standing  army  maintained.  But  though 
jealous  feelings  were  thus  infused,  the  English  ministers  were 


SPOTSWOOD'S  EXPEDITION. 


129 


not  rash  enough  to  involve  themselves  in  such  a  scheme ;  and, 
in  1704,  Nicholson  was  recalled. 

He  was  succeeded  by  the  Earl  of  Orkney,  who  held  the  office 
thirty-six  years,  but  merely  as  a  sinecure.  He  or  the  ministers, 
however,  were  happy  in  their  settlement  of  deputies.  Edward 
Nott,  the  first,  and  still  more,  his  successor,  Alexander  Spots- 
wood,  gave  the  highest  satisfaction.  The  latter  not  only  pro 
moted  internal  improvement,  but  undertook  an  expedition  to  the 
westward  of  the  Allegheny.  This  barrier,  after  numerous  ob 
stacles,  was  passed,  though  no  settlements  were  yet  atterppted. 
He,  however,  strongly  recommended  the  formation  of  a  chain 
of  forts  along  this  frontier,  to  keep  in  check  the  encroachments 
of  the  French  from  Canada  and  Louisiana  ;  but  the  government 
were  not  disposed  to  spend  large  sums  in  guarding  against  a 
danger  so  little  imminent. 

Virginia,  from  this  period  till  the  peace  of  1763,  enjoyed  an 
uninterrupted  prosperity,  with  so  few  internal  vicissitudes  that 
they  have  escaped  the  notice  of  history.  She  was  engaged  in 
military  operations  against  the  French  and  their  Indian  allies; 
but  as  these  were  common  to  the  wriole  range  of  states,  we  pre 
fer  to  make  them  with  some  other  matters  the  subject  of  a 
general  chapter. 


George  Calvert,  First  Lord  Baltimore. 


CHAPTER    V. 

SETTLEMENT    OF    MARYLAND. 


HOUGH    the   colonization   of    Maryland   took 
WR,    if""*'  place  at  a  later  period  than  that  of  New  Eng- 
||          land,  its  relations  with  Virginia  are  so  close,  that 
these  colonies  will    be  best  considered  in    con 


nexion  with  each  other. 


(130) 


ARRIVAL  OF  CALVERT.  131 

The  Virginian  company,  by  their  second  charter,  had  assigned 
to  them  a  region  of  vast  extent,  including,  doubtless,  the  heads 
of  the  great  Bays  of  Delaware  and  Chesapeake.  This  grant, 
we  have  seen,  was  forfeited :  yet  the  colonists  continued  anxi 
ously  to  claim  and  consider  the  whole  as  Virginia,  though  their 
title  could  not  stand  against  the  regal  power  influenced  by 
the  solicitations  of  a  favourite.  Sir  George  Calvert  had  been 
secretary  of  state  under  James  I.,  but  having  become  a  convert 
to  the  Romish  religion,  he  was  excluded  from  office,  and  seems 
thenceforth  to  have  directed  his  ambition  wholly  to  colonial  en 
terprise.  The  change  had  not  withdrawn  the  court  favour, 
particularly  of  Charles  I.  and  his  queen  Henrietta  Maria.  He 
therefore  easily  obtained  a  liberal  grant  in  Newfoundland,  which 
he  made  great  exertions  to  settle  and  improve  ;  but  finding  his 
expectations  fallacious,  he  was  attracted  by  the  much  more 
promising  territory  on  the  Chesapeake,  and  actually  went  out 
thither  to  negotiate  arrangements  for  a  colony.  Virginia,  as 
we  have  already  seen,  was  established  on  a  system  of  complete 
religious  exclusion  ;  so  that  immediately  on  his  arrival  the  oath 
of  supremacy  was  tendered  him,  which  induced  his  speedy  de 
parture.  He  possessed,  nevertheless,  in  royal  influence  the 
means  not  only  of  securing  his  own  interest,  but  of  avenging 
himself  for  those  hostile  proceedings.  He  obtained  from  Charles 
the  gift  of  an  extensive  region  which  Virginia  had  fondly 
cherished  as  her  own,  extending  from  the  southern  bank  of  the 
Potomac  northwards  to  the  40th  degree  of  latitude,  and  thus 
including  the  upper  part  of  the  Bay  of  Chesapeake,  arid  the 
whole  of  that  of  Delaware.  In  compliment  to  the  queen,  who 
is  understood  to  have  warmly  seconded  his  views,  it  was  named 
Maryland. 

The  influence  and  favour  enjoyed  by  Calvert,  now  created 
Lord  Baltimore,  are  strikingly  proved  by  the  terms  of  the  grant. 
Charles,  notwithstanding  his  despotic  feelings,  reserved  neither 
the  right  of  taxation  nor  of  giving  laws ;  these  were  to  be  ex 
ercised  by  the  proprietor,  with  the  assent  of  the  freemen  or 


132  SETTLEMENT  OF  MARYLAND. 

their  deputies,  whose  assembly  was  to  be  made  "  in  such  sort 
and  form  as  to  him  should  seem  best."  Moreover,  in  emer 
gencies,  when  there  was  not  time  to  call  them  together,  he 
might  of  himself  make  "  fit  and  wholesome  ordinances,"  not 
stated  as  temporary,  but  "  to  be  inviolably  observed."  By  a 
very  singular  clause,  meant,  it  should  seem,  to  blind  the  public 
at  home,  he  was  empowered  to  found  churches  and  chapels,  "  ac 
cording  to  the  ecclesiastical  law  of  England."  He  might  also 
train,  muster,  and  call  out  troops,  exercise  all  the  functions  of 
captain-general,  and,  in  case  of  rebellion  or  sedition,  proclaim 
martial  law.  He  had  likewise  the  nomination  of  the  judges 
and  all  other  officers.  Nothing  being  left  to  the  crown  but  the 
usual  empty  claim  of  the  royal  mines,  Maryland  became,  what 
indeed  the  proprietor  terms  it,  a  separate  monarchy. 

George,  the  first  Lord  Baltimore,  died  before  the  completion 
of  the  charter,  wThich  was  therefore  granted  to  his  son  Cecil,  on 
whom  devolved  the  establishment  of  the  colony.  He  appears 
to  have  applied  himself  to  the  task  with  activity  and  judgment ; 
and  states  that  he  spent  upon  it  above  20,000/.  from  his  own 
funds,  and  an  equal  sum  raised  among  his  friends.  Warned 
by  Virginian  disasters,  he  avoided  from  the  first  all  chimerical 
projects,  and  placed  his  establishment  entirely  on  an  agricultural 
basis.  Every  one  who  carried  out  five  persons,  male  or  female, 
paying  their  expenses,  estimated  at  20/.  each,  was  to  receive 
one  thousand  acres.  Those  defraying  their  own  charges  got 
one  hundred  for  themselves,  and  the  same  for  each  adult  mem 
ber  of  their  family  ;  for  children  under  six  years,  fifty  acres. 
The  rent  was  2s.  for  each  hundred  acres.  Lord  Baltimore  did 
not  rule  in  person,  nor,  so  far  as  we  can  trace,  even  visit  the 
colony,  at  least  till  after  the  Restoration.  Two  of  his  brothers, 
however,  acted  successively  as  governors,  and  died  there. 

In  November,  1633,  Leonard  Calvert  set  sail  with  the 
first  emigrants,  consisting  of  about  two  hundred  persons.  In 
February,  he  touched  at  Point  Comfort,  in  Virginia,  where  his 
arrival  was  by  no  means  acceptable;  nevertheless  Sir  John 


CALVERT  ENTERS  THE  POTOMAC. 


133 


Settlement  of  St.  Mary's. 


Harvey,  in  obedience  to  the  express  orders  of  Charles,  gave 
him  a  courteous  reception.  Early  in  March,  he  entered  the 
Potomac,  to  the  people  on  the  shores  of  which  the  sight  of  so 
large  a  vessel  "was  quite  new,  and  caused  the  utmost  astonish 
ment.  The  report  was,  that  a  canoe  was  approaching  as  big 
as  an  island,  with  men  standing  in  it  thick  as  trees  in  a  forest ; 
and  they  thought  with  amazement  how  enormous  must  have 
been  the  trunk  out  of  which  it  had  been  hollowed.  A  piece 
of  ordnance,  resounding*  for  the  first  time  on  the  shores  of  this 
mighty  river,  caused  the  whole  country  to  tremble.  The  inter 
course,  however,  appears  to  have  been  judiciously  conducted, 
and  was,  on  the  whole,  very  amicable.  Calvert  sailed  up  to 
Piscataqua,  an  Indian  settlement  nearly  opposite  the  present  site 
of  Mount  Vernon,  where  the  chief  received  him  with  kindness, 
12 


134  SETTLEMENT  OF  MARYLAND. 

saying,  "  he  would  not  bid  him  go,  neither  would  he  bid  him 
stay  ;  he  might  use  his  own  discretion."  On  reflection,  he  con 
sidered  the  place  too  far  up  the  river,  and  therefore  the  vessel 
was  moved  clown  to  a  tributary  named  then  St.  George's,  and 
now  St.  Mary's.  Ascending  it  four  leagues,  he  came  to  a  con 
siderable  Indian  town,  named  Yoacomoco,  afterwards  called  Sf. 
Mary's  by  the  colonists ;  and  being  hospitably  received,  as  well 
as  pleased  with  the  situation,  he  determined  to  fix  his  colony 
there.  The  Werowannee  accepted  an  invitation  on  board,  and 
Sir  John  Harvey  having  just  arrived  from  Virginia,  the  chief 
wras  led  down  to  the  cabin,  and  seated  at  dinner  between  the 
two  governors.  An  alarm  having  spread  among  the  people  on 
shore  that  he  was  detained  as  a  prisoner,  they  made  the  banks 
echo  with  shouts  of  alarm ;  the  Indian  attendants  durst  not  go 
to  them,  but  when  he  himself  appeared  on  deck,  they  were 
satisfied.  He  became  so  much  attached  to  the  English  as  to 
declare,  that  if  they  should  kill  him  he  would  not  wish  his  death 
avenged,  being  sure  that  he  must  have  deserved  his  fate.  Amid 
the^e  dispositions,  it  was  not  difficult  to  negotiate  the  formation 
of  a  settlement.  For  hatchets,  hoes,  knives,  cloth,  and  other 
articles  of  probably  very  small  original  cost,  the  strangers  not 
only  obtained  a  large  tract  of  land,  but  were  allowed  by  the 
inhabitants  to  occupy  immediately  half  of  their  village,  with 
the  corn  growing  adjacent  to  it,  and,  at  the  end  of  harvest, 
were  to  receive  the  whole.  Thus  were  they  at  once  comforta 
bly  established,  without  those  severe  hardships  which  usually 
attend  an  infant  settlement. 

This  good  understanding  was  prolonged  for  a  number  of 
years ;  but  at  lengtb,  in  1642,  the  emigrants  had  the  usual  mis 
fortune  of  being  involved  in  a  war  witli  the  natives.  For  two 
years  they  suffered  all  its  distressing  and  harassing  accompani 
ments,  which,  in  1644,  were  happily  terminated  by  a  treaty, 
the  conditions  of  which,  and  some  acts  of  assembly  immediately 
following,  seem  to  prove  that  the  evil  had  arisen  entirely  from 
the  interested  proceedings  of  individuals.  The  prohibition  of 


SETTLEMENT  ON  KENT  ISLAND.  135 

kidnapping  the  Indians,  and  of  selling  arms  to  them,  show  the 
existence  of  these  culpable  practices.  This  peace  was  of  long 
duration,  and  the  Maryland  government  seem  on  the  whole,  to 
have  acted  more  laudably  towards  this  race  than  any  other,  that 
of  Penn  excepted. 

The  domestic  administration  was  first  disturbed  by  the  follow 
ing  painful  transaction.  Captain  William  Clayborne,  a  man  of 
large  property,  and  holding  high  offices  in  the  colonial  govern 
ment,  had  opened  a  considerable  trade  in  furs  and  other  articles 
on  the  upper  part  of  the  Chesapeake,  and  even  established  a 
settlement  on  Kent  Island,  where  he  expended  upwards  of 
6000/.  The  proprietary  forthwith  called  upon  him  to  yield  up 
all  these  establishments,  as  lying  within  the  range  of  his  patent. 
Clayborne,  very  little  disposed  to  consent,  referred  the  claim  to 
the  council  of  Virginia,  who  expressed  their  astonishment  that 
it  should  ever  have  been  even  mentioned.  The  demand  cer 
tainly  appears  to  have  been  one  of  extreme  hardship.  The 
captain  some  years  before  had  received  from  the  king  a  patent 
for  trade,  though  not  indeed  for  plantation  ;  but  this  last  object 
was  attended  with  such  expense,  hazard,  and  difficulty,  that  not 
permission  merely,  but  ample  encouragement  had  always  been 
considered  due  to  the  undertaker.  That  on  Kent  Island  had 
been  fully  sanctioned  by  the  local  authorities,  within  whose  re 
cognised  limits  it  then  was,  and  the  inhabitants  had  a  right  to 
send  two  burgesses  to  the  assembly.  Situated  near  the  opposite 
const  of  the  Chesapeake,  it  did  not  materially  interfere  with  the 
new  plantation,  arid  ages  must  have  elapsed  before  the  two 
could  come  into  contact. 

The  influence  of  the  proprietary,  however,  was  powerful  at 
home.  The  Virginians,  though  they  obeyed  the  order  to  afford 
aid  to  the  new  colonists,  presented  a  strong  remonstrance  on  the 
severe  discouragement  and  loss  sustained  by  the  severing  of  so 
fine  a  portion  of  their  territory,  which  they  had  already  partly 
occupied.  By  a  sentence  of  the  Star-chamber,  however,  of  5th 
July,  1633,  the  members  present  "  did  think  fit  to  leave  Lord 


136  SETTLEMENT  OF  MARYLAND. 

Baltimore  to  his  patent,  and  the  other  parties  to  the  course  of 
law,  according  to  their  desire."  They  ordered,  meanwhile,  that, 
"  things  standing  as  they  do,"  the  planters  on  either  side  shall 
have  free  traffic  and  commerce  each  with  the  other, — and  lastly, 
that  "  they  shall  sincerely  entertain  all  good  correspondence, 
and  assist  each  other  on  all  occasions,  in  such  manner  as  be- 
cometh  fellow-subjects  and  members  of  the  same  state."  Not 
withstanding  this  injunction,  and  another  of  the  same  tenor, 
expressly  relating  to  the  dispute  with  Clayborne,  his  lordship 
determined  to  proceed  to  immediate  extremities.  An  act  of 
attainder  was  passed  against  the  other  in  the  Maryland  assem 
bly  ;  a  hostile  armament  was  fitted  out ;  and  the  Longtail,  a 
merchant  vessel  belonging  to  him,  was  captured,  after  a  contest 
in  which  the  captain  and  several  of  the  crew  were  killed.  This 
was  followed  by  other  encounters ;  and  at  length,  by  a  mid 
night  assault ;  the  Isle  of  Kent  was  carried,  and  the  principal 
planters  either  made  prisoners  or  forced  to  seek  safety  in  flight. 

Clayborne,  now  repairing  to  England,  laid  his  wrongs  before 
the  king,  when  Charles,  in  a  letter  to  the  proprietary,  on  the 
14th  July,  1638,  expresses  a  strong  and  apparently  a  just  indig 
nation.  He  refers  to  a  former  order  that  Clayborne  and  his 
associates  "should  in  no  sort  be  interrupted  in  their  trade  or 
plantation  by  you,  but  rather  be  encouraged  to  proceed  cheer 
fully  in  so  good  a  work  ;"  then  adverting  to  the  violences  com 
mitted,  commands  them  to  cease,  and  that  no  further  molesta 
tion  be  given  to  these  persons  or  their  agents,  till  the  case 
should  be  decided. 

On  the  4th  April,  1639,  however,  the  Commissioners  of  Plan 
tations  pronounced  their  decision  in  a  very  different  tone.  They 
state  that,  by  the  admission  of  Clayborne,  who  was  present, 
his  patent,  which  had  also  been  granted  only  under  the  great 
seal  of  Scotland,  was  exclusively  for  trade,  not  for  settlement ; 
that  the  island  was  admitted  by  him  to  be  within  the  limits  of 
Lord  Baltimore's  patent ;  and  therefore  that  he  had  not  the 
slightest  claim  to  either.  It  concluded,  "  concerning  the  vio- 


DIFFICULTIES  WITH  CLAYBORNE.  137 

lences  and  wrongs  by  the  said  Clayborne  and  the  rest  com 
plained  of,  they  did  now  also  declare,  that  they  found  no  cause 
at  all  to  relieve  them,  but  do  leave  both  sides  therein  to  the 
ordinary  course  of  justice." 

By  what  agency  so  remarkable  a  change  was  effected  does 
not  fully  appear.  It  is  supposed,  however,  to  be  owing  to  the 
fact  that  in  the  great  contest  between  the  king  and  the  parlia 
ment,  which  was  now  begun,  Clayborne  embraced  with  zeal  the 
popular  side. 

The  most  prominent  feature  in  the  internal  management  of  the 
colony  was  the  proclamation,  made  of  complete  liberty  of  con 
science,  and  worship  to  all  sects,  who  acknowledged  the  funda 
mental  truths  of  Christianity.  We  have  seen  that  an  assembly 
of  the  people  or  their  deputies  was  in  some  shape  required  by 
the  charter ;  and  this  could  scarcely  have  been  denied  to  the 
colonists,  ufter  having  been  sanctioned  both  in  Virginia  and 
New  England.  The  proprietary,  however,  had  secured  the 
power  of  constituting  this  assembly  in  any  manner  he  pleased, 
and,  moreover,  of  making  laws  quite  binding,  without  their  con 
currence.  Besides  these  two  clauses,  he  reserved  also  the  right 
of  originating  statutes,  only  requiring  the  consent  of  the  depu 
ties.  He  accordingly  prepared  and  sent  over  to  Maryland  a 
complete  code,  expecting,  probably,  under  the  peculiar  circum 
stances,  that  its  acceptance  would  have  been  a  matter  of  course. 
But  the  Marylanders,  who  showed  always  a  determined  zeal 
for  their  franchises,  threw  it  entirely  overboard,  and  prepared 
another  of  their  own,  which  they  transmitted  for  his  assent. 
In  what  spirit  it  was  received  is  discoverable  only  from  the  fact 
that  no  part  ever  appeared  in  the  records ;  so  that  it  must  have 
been  wholly  rejected,  and  probably  with  no  little  indignation. 
How  any  adjustment  took  place  between  views  so  widely  dis 
cordant,  cannot  be  distinctly  traced  ;  but  the  freemen  appear  to 
have  made  good  their  right  of  originating  laws,  subject  to  the 
proprietary's  negative. 

In  *  *38,  an  act  introduced  a  new  form  of  representative  as- 
12* 


138  SETTLEMENT  OF  MARYLAND. 

sembly,  instead  of  that  hitherto  formed  by  the  freemen  in  gen 
eral.  Lord  Baltimore,  then  availing  himself  of  the  unlimited 
power  givin  in  the  charter,  inserted  a  truly  extraordinary  clause, 
giving  him  power  to  summon  his  own  friends  by  special  writ, 
seemingly  without  any  limitation  of  number,  to  sit  and  vote 
along  with  the  burgesses.  It  is  obvious  that  he  had  thus  full 
means  of  swamping  all  opposition,  and  of  dictating  every  mea 
sure  of  the  assembly.  The  burgesses,  accordingly,  soon  com 
plained  that  they  then  had  not  even  "  a  negative,"  to  obtain 
which  they  demanded,  that  they  should  sit  in  one  house,  and 
the  Baltimore  nominees  in  another.  But  the  proprietary  put  a 
decided  negative  on  such  a  change.  Under  the  assembly  thus 
modelled,  he  was  granted  five  per  cent,  on  tobacco  exported ; 
and  all  the  inhabitants  were  required  to  take  an  oath  of  alle 
giance  to  him. 

In  1645,  an  insurrection  was  raised,  when  Calvert  the  gover 
nor,  unable,  it  should  seem,  to  make  even  a  show  of  resistance, 
\vas  obliged  to  flee  into  Virginia.  In  about  a  year  and  a  half, 
the  original  rule  was  restored ;  though  no  detail  is  given  of  the 
means.  An  amnesty  and  other  prudent  measures  restored  tran 
quillity. 

The  burgesses,  notwithstanding,  continued  to  struggle  for 
that  division  into  two  houses,  by  which  only  they  could  obtain 
any  real  legislative  power.  At  last  they  attained  their  object, 
though  at  a  time  which  took  away  almost  all  the  grace  of  the 
boon.  It  was  in  the  fatal  year  of  1649,  when  the  republican 
party,  completely  triumphant,  had  brought  Charles  to  the  block, 
and  the  proprietary  was  using  all  his  efforts  to  court  or  at  least 
to  sooth  its  leaders.  In  1650,  an  act  was  ratified,  sanctioning 
this  new  constitution. 

Lord  Baltimore  began  about  this  time  not  only  to  permit,  but 
earnestly  to  invite  protestant  settlers  from  different  parts  of 
America.  One  object  at  least  was  to  fill  up  the  population  of 
the  colony,  which  was  probably  insufficient  at  the  low  rents 
exacted  to  repay  the  expenses  of  settlement.  It  now  derived 


SETTLEMENT  OF  ANNE  ARUNDEL.         139 

small  supplies  from  emigration,  wli^h,  after  the  commencement 
of  the  great  civil  contest,  ceased  to  flow  into  the  western  settle 
ments.  The  assembly  about  this  time  passed  an  act  for  peo 
pling  the  colony,  and  this  course  also  tended  to  conciliate  the 
now  triumphant  puritans  at  home.  The  New  Englanders, 
however,  to  whom  this  invitation  was  first  addressed,  "felt  no 
temptation  that  way  ;"  but  the  Virginian  reformers,  compelled 
by  the  persecutions  of  Berkeley  and  the  assembly,  came  in 
large  bodies,  till,  according  to  the  assertion,  though  probably 
exaggerated,  of  opposite  parties,  the  Protestant  population  ex 
ceeded  the  Catholic.  They  occupied  the  territory  north  of  the 
Patuxent,  and  formed  a  new  county  named  Severn  or  Anne 
Arundel,  reaching  nearly  to  the  modern  site  of  Baltimore. 
Having  thus  invited  them,  he  probably  intended  they  should 
have  full  liberty  of  worship ;  and  in  1649,  an  act  of  religious 
liberty  was  passed,  which  seems  to  display  an  impartial  spirit. 
Unluckily,  however,  for  the  proprietary,  these  settlers  brought 
with  them  the  principles  of  political  liberty,  which  usually  ac 
companied  their  religious  profession.  They  were  prepared  to 
own  the  proprietary  as  lord  of  the  soil,  and  to  pay  him  all  his 
dues.  But  great  was  their  surprise,  when,  after  much  expense 
in  removal,  arid  in  cultivating  their  ground,  which  derived  al 
most  its  whole  value  from  their  labour,  an  oath  was  presented 
to  them,  in  default  of  signing  which,  they  were  to  be  ejected 
from  their  lands,  and  banished  from  the  colony.  On  looking 
into  it,  they  were  astonished  to  find  no  mention  either  of  their 
rights  or  duties  as  English  subjects;  but  that  they  were  to 
pledge  their  sole  allegiance  to  Lord  Baltimore  and  his  success- 
sors,  binding  themselves  "  (o  the  uttermost  of  their  power  to 
defend  and  maintain  his  right,  title,  interest,  privileges,  royal 
jurisdiction,  prerogative,  proprietary,  and  dominion."  This 
appeared  "  far  too  high  for  him,  and  strangely  unsuitable  to  the 
present  liberty  which  God  had  given  to  English  subjects."  It 
even  seemed  quite  inconsistent  with  the  allegiance  due,  and 
which  many  of  them  had  actually  sworn,  to  the  government  at 


140  SETTLEMENT  OF  MARYLAND. 

home.  They  felt  peculiarly  reluctant  to  devote  themselves  so 
entirely  to  the  support  of  rulers  who,  on  their  part,  were  bound, 
to  countenance  and  uphold  antichrist.  They  drew  up,  how 
ever,  a  modified  oath,  not  anywhere  recorded  ;  but  it  was  one 
which  Stone,  the  governor,  who  never  showed  any  want  of 
zeal  for  his  master's  interest,  considered  admissable,  and  agreed 
to  receive.  Nevertheless,  when  sent  home,  the  proprietary  in 
dignantly  returned  it,  ordering  that  the  original  one  should  be 
taken,  and  directing  that  those  who  within  three  months  failed 
to  comply,  should  immediately  suffer  the  sentence  of  forfeiture 
and  banishment.  Stone,  consulting  his  lordship's  benefit  by 
seeking  to  moderate  his  violence,  did  not  choose  to  proceed  to 
this  extremity,  and  merely  refused  land  to  new  comers  on  any 
other  terms.  The  threat,  however,  was  kept  hanging  over  the 
heads  of  all,  and  placed  the  colony  in  a  state  of  alarm  and 
agitation,  which  ill  prepared  it  for  the  crisis  in  which  it  was 
soon  to  be  involved. 

In  the  great  contest  between  the  king  and  the  commons,  it 
cannot  be  doubted  that  all  the  partialities  of  Lord  Baltimore 
were  on  the  royal  side.  It  is  even  said,  that  when  Charles  was 
at  Oxford,  he  obtained  a  commission  to  arm  vessels  and  men 
against  the  insurgents.  He  felt,  however,  much  disinclined  to 
become  a  martyr  in  that  monarch's  cause  ;  and  as  soon  as  his 
downfall  appeared  inevitable,  began  loudly  to  proclaim  his  at 
tachment  to  the  republicans.  Greene,  his  governor,  having 
hastily  proclaimed  Charles  II.,  was  removed,  and  his  place  sup 
plied  by  Stone,  a  protestant,  who  was  stated  to  be  "  always 
zealously  affected  to  the  parliament."  His  lordship  boasted  of 
the  contrast  of  his  government  to  that  of  Virginia,  and  the 
shelter  afforded  by  him  to  the  persecuted  puritans  of  that  colony. 
So  fully  did  he  impress  these  views  on  the  public,  that  the  king, 
from  Breda,  issued  a  commission,  in  which,  branding  him  as 
"  visibly  adhering  to  the  rebels,  and  admitting  schismatics,  sec 
taries,  and  other  ill-affected  persons  into  his  plantation,"  he  de 
posed  him,  and  named  Sir  William  Davenant  his  successor. 


CIVIL  DISSENSIONS.  141 

The  latter,  having  collected  a  colony  of  Frenchmen,  set  sail  for 
America,  but  was  taken  by  a  parliamentary  vessel ;  and  being 
condemned  to  death,  he  was  saved  only  by  the  intercession  of 
Milton,  who  was  attached  to  him  on  account  of  his  poetical 
talents.  The  commission,  though  it  failed  wholly  as  to  its  ob 
ject,  was  industriously  circulated  by  Lord  Baltimore,  and  osten 
tatiously  exhibited  as  a  proof  of  his  avowed  attachment  to  the 
commonwealth. 

All  these  particulars  were  brought  carefully  forward  at  the 
critical  period  when,  as  formerly  mentioned,  a  commission  was 
sent  out  to  reduce  Virginia  under  the  new  government.  His 
lordship  states,  that  after  the  name  of  Maryland  had  been  in 
serted,  the  parliamentary  leaders  were,  by  his  representations, 
induced  to  expunge  it.  But  he  adds,  that  "  somehow  or  other" 
there  was  afterwards  introduced  "  all  the  plantations  within  the 
Bay  of  the  Chesapeake." 

The  commission  consisted  of  five  members,  two  being  Ame 
ricans  :  and  as  by  accident  only  one  from  England  (Captain 
Curtis)  reached  his  destination,  they  became  the  majority. 
Those  two  were  Bennet  and  Clayborne,  the  deadliest  foes  of 
the  house  of  Baltimore  ;  and  their  influence  was  greatly  in 
creased,  when  the  one  was  named  governor  of  Virginia,  and 
the  other  appointed  his  secretary.  In  the  clause  above  men 
tioned  they  found  full  warrant  to  include  Maryland ;  and  see 
ing  no  ground  for  its  exemption,  they  treated  with  derision  the 
professed  zeal  of  the  colony  and  its  ruler  in  the  cause  of  liberty. 
They  accordingly  repaired  thither,  and  began  by  calling  upon 
Stone  to  expunge  the  king's  name  from  the  wiits,  and  substi 
tute  the  title  then  assumed  by  the  parliament,  of  "  Keepers  of 
the  Liberties  of  England."  The  governor  replied,  that  the 
first  demand  was  impossible,  the  writs  never  having  been  issued 
in  any  name  but  that  of  the  proprietary,  without  whose  autho 
rity  he  did  not  feel  justified  in  making  any  alteration.  The 
commissioners  regarded  this  explanation  as  very  unsatisfactory ; 
and  receiving  many  complaints,  particularly  as  to  the  required 


142          SETTLEMENT  OF  MARYLAND, 

oath,  and  the  ruin  which  impended  over  the  protestant  settlers 
for  refusing  it,  they  determined  upon  an  entire  change  of  go 
vernment.  The  other  did  not  directly  oppose,  but  strongly 
remonstrated;  and  after  a  discussion  of  some  months,  a  com 
promise  was  effected.  Stone  and  one  or  two  other  leading 
men  were  replaced  in  power ;  but  the  subordinate  officers,  par 
ticularly  the  judges,  were  to  continue  as  nominated  by  the 
commission. 

Baltimore,  considering  himself  highly  aggrieved  by  these  pro 
ceedings,  presented  a  petition  to  the  House  of  Commons,  to 
which  he  had  procured  the  signature  of  twenty  Protestant  pro 
prietors  ;  the  Catholics  being  for  the  present  kept  in  the  back 
ground.  He  complained  that  two  members  of  the  commission, 
his  avowed  enemies,  taking  advantage  of  some  ambiguous  ex 
pressions,  which  were  quite  contrary  to  the  intent  of  its  framers, 
had  subverted  his  government,  without  regard  to  his  undoubted 
rights,  and  zealous  attachment  to  the  commonwealth.  The 
house  immediately  appointed  a  committee  of  inquiry,  wTho  pre 
senting  the  facts  of  the  case,  as  they  really  were,  the  house 
appears  to  have  seen  no  ground  to  disturb  the  arrangements 
made  by  the  commissioners'. 

This  appears  in  fact  to  be  one  of  the  happiest  intervals  in  the 
troubled  history  of  the  colony.  The  proprietary,  however,  in 
dignantly  bore  this  limitation  on  his  authority,  and  eagerly 
sought  to  regain  his  full  prerogative.  An  opportunity  seemed 
to  occur  when  Cromwell,  secure  in  the  affections  of  the  soldiery, 
dismissed  the  parliament,  and  centred  the  whole  power  of  the 
state  in  his  own  person.  His  lordship  now  paid  assiduous  court 
to  one  not  indifferent  to  the  homage  of  men  of  rank,  and  eagerly 
solicited  of  him  the  desired  boon.  We  suspect  he  obtained  at 
least  a  promise  that  he  should  not  be  interfered  with,  though 
this  is  (iiscredited  by  the  opposite  party,  and  the  Protector  did 
not  withdraw  any  of  the  powers  vested  in  the  commissioners; 
but  we  will  soon  produce,  on  the  part  of  this  extraordinary 
person,  such  proofs  of  ignorance  and  carelessness  in  regard  to 


CIVIL  DISSENSIONS. 


Oliver  Cromwell. 


those  colonies,  as  to  make  it  quite  probable  that  he  might  issue 
very  opposite  mandates.  Certain  it  is,  that  in  the  beginning  of 
1654,  the  proprietary  sent  to  Stone  strict  directions  forthwith 
to  overthrow  everything  that  had  been  set  np  by  the  commis 
sioners  ;  to  displace  every  officer  appointed  by  them  ;  and  to 
seize  and  try  all,  themselves  not  excepted,  \vho  should  move  in 
support  of  their  system.  The  oath,  in  particular,  was  no  longer 
to  be  trifled  with  ;  but  all  who  should  not  take  it  within  three 
months  were  to  be  rigorously  ejected.  The  agent  immediately 
proceeded  to  put  those  orders  in  execution,  with,  it  is  said,  a 
violence  and  impetuosity  which  he  had  not  formerly  displayed. 

The  Protestants  complained,  and  the  deputies,  who  lent  no 
unwilling  ear  to  their  complaints,  sent  orders  to  pay  no  regard 
to  the  authorities  thus  unwarrantably  set  up.  Yet  they  seem 
not  to  have  been  in  haste  to  interfere  personally.  Beimel,  it  is 


SETTLEMENT  OF  MARYLAND. 

alleged,  had  received  a  letter  from  Cromwell,  urging  him  to 
preserve  peace,  and  containing  perhaps  other  equivocal  expres 
sions.  They  endeavoured  by  an  amicable  correspondence  to 
induce  Stone  to  desist.  But  when  the  three  months  elapsed 
without  success,  and  matters  were  becoming  always  more  ur 
gent,  they  resolved  no  longer  to  delay.  So  confident  indeed 
were  they  of  support  in  the  colony,  that,  in  June,  1654,  they 
set  sail  in  an  open  boat,  with  only  two  rowers,  and  landed 
"at  Patuxent.  Learning  that  Stone  was  determined  to  resist, 
and  even  if  possible  to  seize  their  persons,  they  published  a 
declaration  virtually  deposing  him,  by  ordering  that  the  govern 
ment  should  be  administered  solely  in  the  name  of  the  Pro 
tector.  Finding  themselves  soon  at  the  head  of  a  strong  body 
of  armed  Protestants,  they  advanced  upon  the  governor,  who 
was  using  every  effort  to  assemble  an  army  of  Romanists. 
They  were  mustered,  however,  with  difficulty,  and  in  small 
numbers,  and,  says  Hammond,  "  they  importunately  advised  him 
not  to  fight."  With  an  inadequate  body  of  men  tendering  such 
advice,  and  the  dread  of  reinforcements  from  Virginia,  he  con 
sidered  resistance  quite  hopeless.  He  declined  any  part  in  alter 
ing  or  modifying  the  government,  but,  in  order  to  avoid  the 
effusion  of  blood,  simply  resigned  it  into  the  hands  of  Bennet 
and  Clayborne  :  who  placing  it  under  ten  local  commissioners, 
of  whom  the  chief  were  Fuller  and  Preston,  departed  for 
Virginia. 

The  Protestants,  thus  completely  triumphant,  did  not  use 
their  victory  with  the  moderation  which  indeed  was  rather  to 
be  desired  than  expected.  Bennet  and  Clayborne,  in  a  plat 
form  of  government,  published  22d  July,  1654,  deprived  the 
Roman  Catholics  of  the  elective  franchise  ;  and  the  next  assem 
bly,  exclusively  Protestant,  passed  an  act  that  none  who  pro 
fessed  the  popish  religion  could  be  protected  in  the  province 
by  the  laws  of  England  formerly  established,  and  yet  unre- 
pealed  ;  and  the  freedom  of  worship  was  not  extended  "  to 
popery  or  prelacy,  or  to  such  as  under  the  profession  of  Christ 


CIVIL  WAR.  145 

practised  licentiousness."  While  we  must  join  in  the  general 
censure  of  this  conduct,  it  ought  not  to  be  forgotten  that  in 
those  days  the  toleration  of  popery  scarcely  existed,  and  would 
even  have  been  considered  criminal.  Milton,  an  avowed  and 
zealous  advocate  of  religious  freedom,  did  not  extend  it  to  them. 
The  measure,  was  a  most  unhappy  one  in  a  colony  founded, 
and  still  to  so  great  an  extent  occupied  by  Romanists.  We 
find,  indeed,  no  mention  of  any  actual  expulsion,  or  even  inter 
ruption  of  worship ;  but  they  were  placed  in  a  degraded  con 
dition,  which  they  were  not  likely  to  brook.  The  arrangement 
was  inconsistent  with  the  peace  of  the  settlers,  and  soon  gave 
rise  to  the  most  violent  conflict  yet  waged  between  Englishmen 
on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic. 

The  Catholics,  notwithstanding  the  favour  shown  to  their  re 
ligion,  had  displayed  towards  the  proprietary  government  an 
apathy  with  which  Hammond  vehemently  reproaches  them. 
They  had  seen  it  three  times  subverted,  without  lifting  an  arm 
in  its  defence  ;  but  now  they  were  driven  as  if  it  were  by  main 
force  into  its  ranks.  Stone,  taunted  by  the  proprietary  with 
his  former  timidity,  and  warned  that,  without  a  greater  display 
of  energy,  another  would  forthwith  take  his  place,  now  sum 
moned  the  Catholics,  and  all  others  attached  to  the  Baltimore 
government,  to  rally  round  him.  They  obeyed  with  unwonted 
alacrity,  and  he  soon  saw  himself  at  the  head  of  a  greater  force 
than  had  ever  before  been  mustered  in  Maryland.  With  the 
consciousness  of  strength  seems  to  have  grown  an  indifference 
to  persuasive  measures,  and  a  disposition  to  carry  all  by  main 
force.  The  first  object  was  to  possess  the  records  then  depo 
sited  at  Patuxent.  Hammond  boasts,  that  proceeding  thither  in 
a  boat  with  only  three  rowers,  he  ventured  among  these  "  sons 
of  thunder,"  and  carried  off  the  deeds  without  opposition.  The 
Catholic  force  soon  possessed  themselves  of  the  whole  district, 
and  advanced  upon  the  main  hold  of  the  adverse  party  at  Pro 
vidence,  in  Anne  Arundel. 

The  Protestants  appear  to  have  been  taken  very  much  by 
13 


146  SETTLEMENT  OF  MARYLAND. 

surprise,  and  without  any  of  those  precautions  which  a  prudent 
foresight  would  have  dictated.  The  deepest  alarm  is  said  to 
have  been  felt  at  the  advance  of  this  overwhelming  force,  com 
ing,  as  was  reported,  with  the  determination  to  kill  men,  women, 
and  children.  Their  letters,  preserved  by  Heamans,  do  not 
breathe  anything  of  a  violent  or  imperious  spirit.  The  com 
missioners,  in  their  first  address  to  Stone,  declared  that  if  he 
would  make  known  his  authority,  he  should  not  be  opposed  or 
disturbed  in  the  least  degree ;  that  they  had  no  wish  to  retain  a 
power  to  which  they  felt  themselves  unequal,  and  were  ready 
to  submit  to  any  government  which  God  might  place  over  them. 
They  received,  it  is  said,  no  answer,  but  what  tended  to  make 
them  desperate.  According  to  Strong,  the  adverse  leaders  laid 
their  hands  on  their  swords,  intimating  that  these  gave  authority 
sufficient,  and  would  carry  all  before  them.  On  the  return  of 
the  messengers,  the  people  assembled,  and  as  the  panic  still  pre 
vailed,  they  were  induced  to  make  a  very  humble  proposal.  It 
was  agreed  that  Stone  should  resume  the  government,  on  con 
dition  of  ruling  them  as  English  subjects,  of  granting  an  am 
nesty  for  former  acts,  and  a  permission  that  any  one  who  de 
sired  it  might  leave  the  country  without  injury  to  his  property. 
As  soon  as  this  proposal  was  sent,  they  repented  having  gone 
so  far ;  however,  no  result  followed.  The  boat  which  con 
veyed  the  message  met  the  expedition  rapidly  advancing,  partly 
along  the  coast,  partly  in  vessels  by  sea.  The  barge  and  crew 
were  seized,  and  no  notice  was  taken  of  the  message  ;  but  two 
persons  escaped  and  brought  this  intelligence. 

The  Protestants  now  formed  a  decisive  resolution  to  conquer 
or  die.  As  a  large  trader  well  armed  was  at  that  time  lying  in 
the  Severn,  Fuller  delivered  a  summons  to  Heamans,  the  cap 
tain,  and  fastened  another  to  the  main-mast,  calling  upon  him 
to  defend  the  Protector's  government ;  a  mandate  wrhich  he  was 
nothing  loath  to  obey.  His  crew  also  expressed  an  eager  dis 
position  "  to  make  the  Protestant  cause  their  own."  Stone, 
anxious  to  detach  him,  sent  a  letter,  stating  that  he  had  en- 


CIVIL  WAR.  147 

closed  a  petition  with  the  Protector's  order  upon  it ;  but  there 
was  no  such  enclosure  ;  and  though  the  messenger  declared  he 
had  seen  the  document,  this  assurance  was  not  considered  a 
sufficient  ground  to  act  upon. 

On  the  evening  of  the  24th  March,  the  alarm  was  given, 
and  the  Catholic  armament,  with  drums  beating  and  colours  fly 
ing,  was  seen  entering  the  broad  estuary  of  the  Severn.  The 
seamen  eagerly  asked  permission  to  fire,  but  Heamans  restrained 
them  till  he  could  hail  the  advancing  foe,  arid  endeavoured  to 
persuade  them  to  desist.  As  they  paid  no  regard  to  him,  he 
gave  the  word,  and  when  the  balls  began  to  play,  they  retreated, 
exclaiming  "  round-headed  rogues  !"  and  ran  into  a  creek,  where 
they  disembarked.  Next  morning,  they  were  seen  marching 
along  the  coast,  two  hundred  and  fifty  strong,  while  the  Pro 
testants,  only  one  hundred  and  seven  in  number,  having  chosen 
probably  an  advantageous  position,  determined  to  make  their 
final  stand.  Heamans  lent  them  a  pair  of  colours,  and  though 
he  did  not  leave  his  ship,  afforded,  doubtless,  all  the  aid  in  his 
power.  They  profess,  however,  not  to  have  attacked,  but  left 
still  an  opening  for  amicable  adjustment ;  but  the  assailants 
having  poured  in  a  fire,  wrhich  wounded  several,  the  signal  was 
given  to  close.  The  two  parties  rushed  upon  each  other,  with 
the  cry  on  one  side  of  "  God  is  our  strength  ;"  on  the  other, 
"  Hey  for  St.  Mary."  The  contest  was  brisk,  but  short.  Vic 
tory  soon  decided  so  completely  in  favour  of  the  Protestants, 
that  the  whole  opposite  army,  with  the  exception  of  five,  were 
either  killed  or  taken.  Stone  himself,  with  his  principal  officers, 
were  among  the  captives.  All  the  boats,  artillery,  and  bag 
gage,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victors,  who  boast  also  of  an 
extensive  capture  of  beads,  reliques,  and  other  "  trash  in  which 
they  trusted." 

The  conquerors  are  accused  of  a  cruel  intention  to  put  to 
death  the  governor,  with  some  of  the  leading  men,  who  were 
saved  by  the  humane  interposition  of  the  females  ;  but  the 
authors  on  their  side  make  no  mention  of  such  a  design . 


148  SETTLEMENT  OF  MARYLAND. 

Heamans  describes  "  the  religious,  humble,  and  holy  rejoicing 
which  followed,"  as  the  most  interesting  scene  he  had  ever 
witnessed. 

The  Protestants  were  thus  again  triumphant;  yet  imme 
diately  there  arose  another  alarm.  About  the  same  time  that 
the  proprietary  despatched  his  last  imperious  mandate,  Crom 
well,  who  we  suspect  had  sanctioned  it,  wrote  to  Bennet, 
strongly  censuring  him  for  having  gone  into  Baltimore's  planta 
tion  in  Maryland,  and  countenanced  some  people  there  in  op 
posing  his  government.  He  ordered  him  to  forbear  such  inter 
ference,  and  leave  the  boundaries  of  the  two  colonies  to  be  fixed 
by  the  decision  of  the  authorities  at  home.  Another  mandate 
is  quoted  as  having  been  sent  to  the  governor  and  council,  "  not 
to  meddle  in  the  business  that  hath  happened  between  the  men 
of  Severn  arid  Lord  Baltimore's  officers ;  but  to  leave  that 
affair  to  be  settled  by  the  "  Commissioners  of  the  Parlia 
ment."  It  would  be  difficult  to  display  grosser  ignorance  on 
any  subject  than  is  here  manifested.  He  did  not  know  that 
the  commissioners  and  the  rulers  of  Virginia  were  the  same  per 
sons,  but  supposed  that  they  interposed  in  the  latter  capacity,  to 
extend  the  jurisdiction  of  that  settlement,  and  that  the  chief 
dispute  respected  the  boundaries  between  it  and  Maryland. 

The  Baltimore  party,  however,  now  published  these  docu 
ments,  announcing  to  their  antagonists,  that  they  were  rebels 
against  one  who  would  not  suffer  his  power  to  be  defied  with 
impunity  ;  and  the  colony  remained  some  time  in  a  state^  of  ex 
treme  agitation.  Pains,  however,  were  now  doubtless  taken  to 
explain  to  him  the  real  state  of  the  case.  We  suspect  too  that, 
amid  the  deep  interest  excited  in  England  by  the  late  con 
test,  the  public  voice,  especially  among  his  own  party,  would 
declare  itself  perhaps  with  extreme  force  on  the  Protestant  side. 
Heamans,  even  while  implicitly  referring  the  question  to  his  de 
cision,  intimates  a  trust,  that  he  "  hath  provided  better  gover 
nors  for  the  people  of  God,  than  professed  enemies  of  the  truth, 
and  that  hunt  after  the  innocent."  We  find  him,  next  Septem- 


CATHOLIC  GOVERNOR.  149 

her,  writing  an  angry  letter,  not  owning  his  own  ignorance,  but 
telling  the  commissioners,  "  that  they  had  mistaken  his  meaning, 
as  if  he  would  have  had  a  stop  put  to  their  proceedings  for 
settling  the  civil  government,  whereas  he  only  intended  to  pre 
vent  any  violence  to  be  offered  to  Virginia,  with  regard  to 
bounds  ;  they  being  now  under  consideration." 

The  Protestant  governors  were  thus  relieved  from  present 
apprehension,  but  they  had  placed  the  colony  in  a  false  position, 
under  which  tranquillity  could  not  be  permanent.  At  this  crisis 
a  new  character  appeared  on  the  scene.  Josiah  Fendall,  who 
had  actively  supported  Stone,  now  rallied  round  him  the  Catho 
lic  and  proprietary  interests.  He  thereby  raised  an  insurrec 
tion,  the  events  of  which  do  not  seem  to  have  been  remarkable, 
and  are  nowhere  given  in  detail ;  but  it  was  not  put  down  without 
difficulty.  Lord  Baltimore  was  so  much  pleased  with  his  exer 
tions,  that  he  sent  to  him  a  commission  as  governor  ;  and  thus 
armed,  after  some  farther  efforts,  he  obtained  possession  of  the 
Catholic  district  of  St.  Mary,  while  the  Protestants  still  ruled 
in  their  own  territory.  After  some  time  he  had  the  address  to 
bring  about,  on  the  24th  March,  16-38,  an  arrangement  by 
which  he  and  his  master  were  acknowledged  throughout  the 
whole  colony.  Freedom  of  worship,  equal  privileges,  relief 
from  the  obnoxious  oath,  and  permission  to  retain  arms,  appear 
to  have  been  the  basis  of  this  agreement,  by  which  the  jarring 
elements  that  had  distracted  the  plantation  were  for  some  time 
happily  composed.  But  the  political  wheel  now  rapidly  re 
volving  soon  brought  round  another  revolution. 

In  March,  1660,  news  arrived  of  the  restoration  of  Charles 
II.,  when  the  assembly,  recollecting  probably  the  indignation 
of  that  prince  against  Lord  Baltimore,  his  deposition,  and  the 
appointment  of  another  governor,  imagined  that  an  opportunity 
was  afforded  for  emancipating  themselves  altogether  from  his 
rule,  and  becoming  free  as  a  royal  colony.  They  met  and  de 
clared,  that  no  power  should  be  recognised  in  Maryland  except 
their  own  and  the  king's.  The  council,  with  the  authority  by 
13* 


150  SETTLEMENT  OF  MARYLAND. 

which  they  had  been  nominated,  were  entirely  set  aside ;  though 
the  place  of  governor  was  still  tendered  to  Fendall,  on  condi 
tion  of  his  holding  it  in  the  name  of  the  assembly.  Ambitious 
of  retaining  his  station,  arid  reckoning  probably  that  he  owed  it 
rather  to  his  own  energy  and  popularity,  than  to  the  proprie 
tary's  favour,  he  accepted  the  offer. 

These  steps  were  premature  and  inconsiderate.  Baltimore, 
who  was  a  skilful  courtier,  soon  persuaded  Charles  of  what 
was  doubtless  the  truth,  that  all  his  real  partialities  had  been 
for  the  royal  cause,  and  his  republican  profession  made  merely 
under  the  urgency  of  political  circumstances.  He  therefore 
soon  obtained  the  full  restoration  of  his  chartered  privileges  ; 
and  Philip  Calvert,  his  brother,  was  sent  out  to  assume  the 
government.  No  attempt  was  made  to  resist  him.  All  the 
services  of  Fendall  were  now  cancelled ;  he  was  brought  to 
trial  and  found  guilty  of  high  treason,  but,  instead  of  capital 
punishment,  was  merely  fined,  and  declared  incapable  of  ever 
holding  office.  Considering  his  influence  with  the  people,  it 
might  perhaps  have  been  wiser  to  treat  leniently  an  offence 
committed  under  peculiar  circumstances,  than  thus  provoke  the 
enmity  of  one  who  could  render  it  formidable. 

Thus  began  the  second  period  of  Lord  Baltimore's  govern 
ment,  respecting  which  we  have  only  scattered  and  imperfect 
notices,  whose  tenor,  as  before,  is  very  contradictory.  Accord 
ing  to  one  party,  his  rule  was  beyond  example  mild,  tolerant, 
and  beneficent,  such  as  ought  to  have  rendered  Maryland  an 
earthly  paradise.  On  the  other  side,  fresh  charges  are  made 
of  domineering  tyranny  and  covert  persecution.  Nor  is  it  de 
nied  that  the  people  showed  little  sense  of  their  alleged  happi 
ness  ;  that  much  dissatisfaction  existed  ;  and  that  repeated  at 
tempts  were  made  to  shake  off  the  yoke.  The  discontents  are 
indicated  by  the  severe  laws  against  those  who  divulged  false 
news  or  stirred  up  opposition  to  the  governor,  who  were  to  be 
punished  with  whipping,  boring  the  tongue,  imprisonment,  exile, 
and  even  death. 


CONDITION  OF  THE  COLONY.  151 

Lord  Effingham,  though  a  high  partisan  of  authority,  de 
scribes  Maryland  as  threatening  to  fall  to  pieces,  and  imputes 
the  blame  to  the  proprietary.  Heavy  complaints  were  laid  be 
fore  the  English  government  of  the  slender  provision  for  Pro 
testant  worship,  as  well  as  of  the  partiality  shown  to  Catholics 
in  the  distribution  of  offices ;  but  the  notices  on  the  subject  are 
so  slight  and  partial,  that  it.  is  diffiult  to  form  any  positive  judg 
ment.  The  Quakers,  so  severely  persecuted  everywhere  else, 
had  gone  thither  in  considerable  numbers  ;  but  though  not  mo 
lested  as  to  their  worship,  little  indulgence  was  shown  to  their 
scruples  in  respect  to  military  and  other  public  services. 

A  considerable  emigration,  however,  continued  to  take  place, 
particularly  of  the  labouring  class,  who,  on  coming  under  inden 
tures  for  a  term  of  years,  had  the  expenses  of  their  voyage  de 
frayed.  The  more  opulent  classes,  as  in  Virginia,  found  their 
incomes  depressed  by  the  low  value  of  tobacco ;  but  they  ren 
dered  the  evil  less  oppressive  by  bearing  it  more  patiently,  and 
makiog  no  foolish  attempts  to  relieve  it  by  renouncing  or  sus 
pending  the  culture.  The  commercial  monopoly,  and  the  duties 
on  their  produce,  also  pressed  hard  on  them ;  and  upon  these 
points  the  proprietary  and  the  king  were  involved  in  a  warm 
controversy. 

The  rebellion  of  Bacon,  in  Virginia,  with  the  popish  plot  and 
other  disturbances  in  England,  encouraged  the  discontented 
party  to  aim  at  another  change.  The  movement  was  in  the 
Protestant  interest ;  and  Fendall,  being  its  leader,  may  be  sus 
pected  as  not  unwilling  to  seek  power  under  any  banners. 
Very  few  details  are  given ;  but  it  appears  that  he  and  his 
accomplice  Coode  were  suddenly  apprehended.  He  was  fined 
40,000  pounds  of  tobacco,  imprisoned  for  non-payment,  and 
banished  from  the  colony.  Lord  Baltimore  might  have  ex 
pected  favour  under  the  Catholic  rule  of  James  II.;  but  that 
monarch,  prefering  arbitrary  power  to  every  other  considera 
tion,  and  having  determined  to  reduce  the  charters  of  all  the 
colonies,  ordered  proceedings  to  be  commenced  against  that  of 


152  SETTLEMENT  OF  MARYLAND. 

Maryland,  which  were  only  arrested  by  his  expulsion  from  the 
throne.  This  event,  however,  did  not  ultimately  avail  the  pro 
prietary.  After  the  revolution,  his  officers  were  accused  of  de 
laying  to  proclaim  William  and  Mary  ;  and  the  Protestants,  in 
spired  with  new  courage,  rose  in  arms,  overturned  his  govern 
ment  with  the  usual  facility,  and  established  a  provisional  one. 
In  their  defence,  they  published  a  statement,  urging  the  often- 
repeated  charges  of  civil  tyranny  and  covert  persecution. 

William,  who  doubtless  had  an  interest  in  favour  of  the  insur 
gents,  gave  his  entire  sanction  to  their  proceedings,  and  took 
the  government  into  his  own  hands.  After  a  short  tenure  by 
Andros,  it  was  directed  during  six  years  by  Nicholson,  who,  on 
the  whole,  gave  satisfaction.  The  Protestants  considered  their 
wrongs  as  redressed,  nor  do  we  hear  of  any  complaints  from 
the  opposite  party.  Under  the  successive  administrations  of 
Blackeston,  Seymour,  Corbet,  and  Hunt,  the  province  continued 
tranquil  and  contented.  In  1716,  the  inheritance  having  fallen 
to  Charles,  Lord  Baltimore,  who  professed  the  Protestant  reli 
gion,  George  I.  was  induced  to  restore  his  patent,  which  con 
tinued  till  the  Revolution  in  the  hands  of  the  family.  It  was 
first  ruled  by  B.  Leonard  Calvert,  a  relation  of  the  proprietary, 
who  was  succeeded  in  1732,  by  Samuel  Ogle.  The  colony 
continuing  to  flourish,  received  a  large  accession  of  Presbyteri 
ans  from  the  north  of  Ireland,  who,  after  settling  in  Pennsyl 
vania,  sold  their  possessions  and  removed  to  this  more  favourable 
climate. 


CHAPTER    VI. 
SETTLEMENT    OF    NEW   ENGLAND. 

N  the  grand  scheme  concerted  in  1606,  for 
colonizing  Virginia,  as  has  been  already 
observed,  one  company  had  been  authorized 
to  form  establishments  on  the  southern,  an 
other  on  the  northern  part  of  the  extensive 
coast  which  bears  that  name.  The  first  was 
undertaken  by  certain  merchants  in  London, 
the  other  by  capitalists  in  the  western  ports.  The  former, 
whose  fortune  we  have  already  traced,  undertook  their  task 
with  more  ample  means,  carried  it  on  with  greater  perseverance, 
and,  though  amid  many  disasters,  rose  sooner  into  importance. 
The  latter,  however,  was  not  destitute  of  powerful  supporters, 
among  whom  were  Sir  John  Popham,  at  that  time  Chief-Justice 
of  England,  and  Sir  Ferdinand  Gorges,  governor  of  Plymouth. 
In  August,  1606,  they  had  fitted  out  a  vessel  of  fifty-five  tons, 
with  a  crew  of  twenty-nine  Englishmen  and  two  savages. 
Captain  Chalons,  the  commander,  took  the  circuitous  route  of 
the  West  Indies,  and  having  been  involved,  near  the  coast  of 
Hispaniola,  in  thick  fogs  and  tempestuous  weather,  found  him 
self  surrounded  by  eight  vessels  manned  by  Spaniards.  They 
rushed  on  board  with  drawn  swords,  and  made  prisoners  of  the 
crew,  who  were  distributed  among  the  different  ships  and  con 
veyed  to  Europe.  The  captain  and  pilot  with  some  others  were 
brought  to  Seville,  thrown  into  prison,  and  treated  with  the  ut 
most  indignity.  Robert  Cooke,  one  of  their  number,  having 
died,  his  body  was  dragged  naked  through  the  prison,  amid 
cries  of  "  behold  the  Lutheran ;"  and  Humfries,  the  boatswain, 
was  assassinated.  Through  the  humane  intercession,  howrever, 

(153) 


154  SETTLEMENT  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 

of  the  Duke  of  Medina  Sidonia,  they  obtained  a  mitigation  of 
their  sufferings,  arid  at  length  they  escaped  to  England. 

Another 'party,  sent  out  with  supplies  to  Chalons,  were  much 
dismayed  upon  not  finding  any  trace  of  him  or  his  companions. 
They  were  pleased,  however,  with  the  aspect%of  the  country, 
and  brought  home  such  a  favourable  report  as  incited  the  adven 
turers  to  fresh  efforts.  In  1607,  they  sent  two  ships  with  one 
hundred  men,  conducted  by  Captain  Popham,  a  son  of  the  chief- 
justice,  and  a  brother  of  Sir  John  Gilbert.  The  crews,  having 
landed  near  the  mouth  of  the  Kennebec,  built  a  fort  named  St. 
George ;  but  they  found  the  winter  intensely  cold  ;  a  quantity 
of  their  stores  was  consumed  by  fire ;  and  Popham,  their  prin 
cipal  leader,  died.  Next  season,  a  vessel  arrived  with  fresh 
supplies,  but  conveying  tidings  of  the  death  of  the  chief-justice, 
and  also  of  Sir  John  Gilbert,  which  induced  their  president, 
who  was  his  heir,  to  go  to  England  and  take  possession  of 
the  estate.  All  these  inauspicious  circumstances  so  discouraged 
the  settlers,  that,  like  some  of  the  more  southern  colonists,  they 
determined  in  a  body  to  return  home,  thus  rendering  all  the 
exertions  of  the  company  completely  abortive. 

This  unwelcome  arrival  proved  it  is  said  "  a  wonderful  dis 
couragement"  to  such  undertakings,  which  there  was  long  "  no 
more  speech"  of  renewing.  Sir  Francis  Popham,  however, 
who  succeeded  as  governor,  sent  out  vessels  on  his  own  account 
to  fish  and  carry  on  the  fur-trade.  His  adventure,  being  found 
profitable,  was  followed  by  others ;  and  at  least  one  crew  win 
tered  on  the  coast.  A  powerful  impulse  was  given  to  coloniza 
tion,  when  Smith,  unable  now  to  find  employment  in  Virginia, 
directed  all  the  powers  of  his  intelligent  mind  into  this  new 
sphere.  In  1614,  he  prevailed  upon  four  merchants  of  London 
to  furnish  him  with  two  traders,  and  also  fifteen  men  to  form  a 
settlement.  No  mention  is  made  of  any  connexion  with  the 
Plymouth  Company,  who,  indeed,  wrhen  they  effected  so  little 
themselves,  could  not  with  a  good  grace  have  opposed  the 
attempt.  The  whale-fishery,  apparently  the  leading  object, 


ARRIVAL  OF  SMITH.  155 

failed  ;  whence  the  plan  of  settlement  seems  to  have  been  relin 
quished.  By  boat  fishing,  however,  and'  by  collecting  martin, 
beaver,  and  otter  skins,  a  value  of  1500/.  was  realized,  which 
wras  considered  a  very  favourable  return. 

While  the  others,  too,  were  thus  employed,  Smith  contrived 
to  make  a  survey  of  the  coast,  from  the  Penobscot  to  Cape  Cod, 
and  gave  to  the  country  the  memorable  name  of  New  England, 
which  it  has  ever  since  retained.  This  voyage,  however,  was 
followed  by  a  most  distressing  event.  Thomas  Hunt,  left  in 
charge  of  one  of  the  ships,  inveigled  on  board  thirty  of  the  na 
tives,  whom  he  carried  to  Malaga,  and  sold  as  slaves.  The 
consequence  was,  that  Captain  Hobson,  who  arrived  a  short  time 
after,  without  any  knowledge  of  the  crime,  was  killed,  with 
several  of  his  crew ;  and  much  pains  were  necessary  to  assuage 
the  resentment  thus  kindled. 

Meantime,  the  arrival  of  Smith  in  this  country  produced  so 
favourable  an  impression,  that  the  Virginia  and  Plymouth  Com 
panies  vied  with  each  other  in  soliciting  his  services.  The  for 
mer  offered  four  ships,  which  he  declined  in  consequence  of  a 
previous  engagement  to  their  western  rivals ;  a  circumstance  he 
afterwards  found  reason  to  repent,  since,  nothing  being  in  readi 
ness,  he  was  involved  in  a  labyrinth  of  trouble  before  he  could 
procure  two  vessels,  with  only  fifteen  settlers.  Upon  going  to 
sea,  a  violent  storm,  which  broke  his  masts,  obliged  him  to  re 
turn.  Being  provided  with  a  smaller  vessel,  he  again  set  sail, 
but  wrhen  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Azores,  he  was  captured  by 
French  pirates,  who  carried  him  to  Rochelle,  whence  he  con 
trived  to  escape.  A  great  part  of  his  property,  however,  was 
lost  in  this  voyage. 

The  company  did  not  altogether  discontinue  their  exertions ; 
and  Captain  Darmer,  who  sailed  with  Smith  in  1615,  reached 
the  coast  and  made  a  good  fishery.  During  the  succeeding 
years,  he  and  Rocraft  displayed  very  considerable  activity. 
Darmer  made  a  voyage  along  the  coast  to  Virginia,  proving  for 
the  first  time  its  continuity  with  New  England  ;  and  meeting 


156  SETTLEMENT  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 

some  Dutchmen,  who  had  opened  a  trade  on  the  Hudson,  he 
gave  on  the  whole  a  highly  favourable  account  of  the  country. 
An  attempt  was  made  to  conciliate  the  natives  by  means  of 
S quanta,  called  sometimes  Tisquantum,  one  of  Hunt's  victims, 
who  had  found  his  way  to  Newfoundland,  whence  he  was  sent 
home  by  Mason,  the  governor.  Much  distress  was,  however, 
experienced,  both  from  their  enmity  and  from  the  violence  and 
insubordination  of  the  English  sailors.  Rocraft,  after  suppress 
ing  a  violent  mutiny,  was  killed  in  a  conflict  with  one  of  his 
own  people ;  while  Darmer,  severely  wounded  by  a  band  of 
savages,  was  constrained  to  retire  into  Virginia,  where  he  soon 
afterwards  died.  These  disasters  checked  greatly  the  progress 
of  the  few  scattered  settlements. 

Smith,  meantime,  after  his  return,  strained  every  nerve  to  in 
spire  his  countrymen  with  colonizing  zeal.  He  went  from  city 
to  city,  applied  to  various  individuals  who  had  shown  an  interest 
in  the  subject,  and  circulated  at  great  expense  seven  thousand 
copies  of  books  and  maps.  He  complains,  that  he  might  as 
well  have  attempted  to  "  cut  rocks  writh  oyster-shells."  Be 
sides  this  prevailing  apathy,  he  was  objected  to  as  an  unfor 
tunate  man  ;  for  all  his  undertakings  had  failed,  and  a  contrast 
was  drawn  between  the  poor  state  of  Virginia  under  him,  and 
its  present  prosperous  condition,  when  the  planters  were  living 
in  ease  and  luxury  on  the  juice  of  tobacco.  Though  he  could 
show  that  this  arose  from  causes  which  he  could  not  control,  he 
found  it  difficult  to  shake  the  influence  of  fortune  over  men's 
minds. 

At  length  the  Plymouth  Company  began  to  make  a  move 
ment;  but  it  was  altogether  in  a  false  direction.  Their  patent 
had  hitherto  been  so  limited,  that  they  had  not  been  able  to 
prevent  the  rivalry  of  the  London  merchants,  and  even  of  the 
Virginia  Association.  They  conceived,  that  if  they  could  ob 
tain  the  same  exclusive  privileges  which  had  been  lavished  on 
the  latter,  they  might  be  equally  prosperous.  By  continued 
solicitation  during  two  years,  and  by  receiving  into  their  num- 


GRANTS  TO  THE  PLYMOUTH  COMPANY.       157 

her  some  influential  individuals,  they  gained  from  James  I.,  on 
the  3d  November,  1620,  a  most  ample  charter  for  all  the  coun 
try  between  the  40th  and  48th  degrees  of  north  latitude,  from 
the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific,  comprising  about  a  million  of  square 
miles,  and  including  New  York  and  New  England,  with  all 
the  northern  states  of  the  Union.  Within  these  vast  limits 
they  obtained  the  exclusive  right,  not  only  of  settlement,  but  of 
trade  and  fishery.  No  stipulation  indeed  was  even  made  for 
political  privileges  to  the  settlers ;  the  whole  region  was  to  be 
under  the  absolute  sway  of  the  Duke  of  Lennox,  the  Marquises 
of  Buckingham  and  Hamilton,  and  other  individuals,  amounting 
in  all  to  forty-two. 

These  exorbitant  privileges  were  of  very  little  avail  to  those 
by  whom  they  had  been  so  unfairly  procured.  They  struck  at 
the  interests  of  a  large  body  of  merchants,  who,  having  em 
barked  in  the  fishery,  were  supported  by  the  House  of  Com 
mons,  then  fast  rising  into  importance.  Sir  Edwin  Sandys,  a 
popular  leader,  brought  in  a  bill  to  allow  free  fishing  and  the 
cutting  of  timber  on  all  this  coast,  which,  notwithstanding  the 
opposition  of  Sir  George  Calvert  and  other  members,  was  carried  ; 
and  though  James  prevented  it  from  passing  into  a  law,  this 
adverse  vote  rendered  it  very  difficult  to  enforce  such  exorbitant 
claims.  The  fishing,  indeed,  seems  to  have  increased  in  the 
face  of  the"  prohibition.  The  ships  destined  for  it,  which,  in 
1622,  amounted  to  only  thirty-five,  rose  next  year  to  forty-five. 
In  these  adventures  the  produce  was  divided  into  three  equal 
parts,  between  the  owner,  the  victualler,  the  masters  and  sea 
men.  These  last  received  usually  from  171.  to  201.  for  the  trip, 
being  more  than  they  could  elsewhere  earn  of  wages  in  twenty 
months.  Almost  the  only  use  the  company  could  make  of 
their  charter,  was  to  assign  large  grants  of  land,  which,  though 
they  turned  to  little  account  at  the  time,  were  afterwards  eagerly 
contested.  The  deeds  were  drawn  so  loosely,  sometimes  mak 
ing  over  the  same  spot  to  different  persons,  that  disputes  arose, 
sufficient,  it  is  said,  to  have  afforded  employment  to  a  little 
14 


158  SETTLEMENT  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 

colony  of  lawyers.  In  their  absence,  other  processes,  suited 
to  a  rude  society,  were  resorted  to,  the  nature  of  which  was 
indicated  by  the  very  names  of  Bloody  Point,  Black  and  Blue 
Point,  applied  to  different  parts  of  the  coast. 

All  the  efforts  both  of  government  and  of  powerful  com 
panies  to  people  this  district  had  thus  proved  nearly  abortive, 
when,  from  an  unexpected  quarter,  a  tide  of  population  poured 
into  it,  which  rendered  New  England  the  most  prosperous  of  all 
the  colonies  on  the  American  continent. 

The  Reformation,  though  it  doubtless  involved  an  extensive 
exercise  of  private  judgment,  was  not  accompanied  by  any  ex 
press  recognition  of  that  right,  or  of  any  general  principle  of 
toleration.  These  were  long  wanting  in  England,  where  the 
change  was  introduced,  not  by  the  people,  though  conformable 
to  their  wishes,  but  by  the  most  arbitrary  of  their  monarchs, 
consulting  chiefly  his  own  passion  and  caprice.  Substituting 
himself  for  the  head  of  the  Catholic  Church,  Henry  VIII.  ex 
acted  the  same  implicit  submission.  Elizabeth  trod  in  his  steps, 
equally  despotic,  and  attached,  if  not  to  popery,  as  has  some 
times  been  suspected,  at  least  to  a  pompous  ritual  and  powerful 
hierarchy.  But  the  nation  in  general,  considering  the  Romish 
religion  as  contrary  to  Scripture,  and  shocked  by  the  bloody 
persecutions  of  Mary,  and  other  sovereigns  on  the  Continent, 
were  disposed  to  go  into  the  opposite  extreme.  From  Geneva 
they  imbibed  the  Calvinistic  doctrine  and  discipline,  with  the 
strict  manners  usually  combined  with  them.  The  queen,  whose 
views  were  irreconcilably  opposed  to  these  innovations,  claimed 
the  right  of  putting  them  down  by  main  force.  The  most 
severe  laws  were  enacted  under  the  sanction  of  Whitgift,  arch 
bishop  of  Canterbury,  a  prelate  sincerely  but  bigotedly  attached 
to  the  English  Church.  The  high  court  of  commission  was 
established ;  several  obstinate  non-conformists  were  fined  or  im 
prisoned,  and  a  few  suffered  death. 

But  under  all  these  persecutions,  the  party  continually  in 
creased,  and  even  assumed  a  bolder  character.  The  puritans, 


THE  PILGRIMS.  159 

while  they  sought  to  reform  the  church,  had  no  wish  to  with 
draw  from  her  bosom  ;  but  there  sprung  up  a  new  sect  named 
Brownists,  who,  denying  the  authority  of  her  doctrine  and  dis 
cipline,  sought  for  the  first  time  to  found  an  independent  com 
munion.  Upon  them  all  the  vials  of  persecution  were  poured 
forth.  Brown  himself  could  boast  that  he  had  been  shut  up  in 
thirty-two  prisons,  and  several  of  his  followers  were  put  to 
death ;  but  his  own  firmness  at  length  failed,  and  he  accepted  a 
living  in  that  church  which  he  had  so  strenuously  opposed. 
Although  much  condemned  by  his  more  zealous  adherents,  his 
desertion  broke  for  some  time  the  union  of  the  party. 

Towards  the  end  of  Elizabeth's  reign,  however,  there  was 
formed  in  a  northern  county  a  congregation  of  Separatists,  un 
der  two  respectable  clergymen,  Robinson  and  Brewster.  Dur 
ing  a  certain  interval  they  escaped  notice ;  but  James,  who 
soon  began  to  follow  his  predecessor's  steps,  took  such  measures 
as  convinced  them  that  it  would  be  vain  to  attempt  the  exercise 
of  their  profession  at  home.  In  looking  for  an  asylum,  they 
fixed  upon  Holland,  the  first  country  where  toleration  was 
publicly  sanctioned  by  law  ;  and  thither  they  made  their  escape, 
amid  much  difficulty  and  hardship,  their  families  being  for  some 
time  detained  behind  them.  Having  reached  that  foreign  land, 
they  found  the  protection  denied  at  home,  and  remained  eleven 
years  unmolested,  and  even  respected.  But  they  never  became 
fully  naturalized  ;  their  original  occupation  of  agriculture  was 
more  congenial  to  their  taste  than  the  mechanical  arts,  by 
which  alone  they  could  earn  a  subsistence  among  the  Dutch. 
They  turned  their  eyes,  therefore,  to  a  transatlantic  region, 
where  they  would  not  merely  enjoy  toleration,  but  might  form 
a  society  founded  on  their  favourite  plan  of  church-government. 

Animated  by  these  views,  the  exiles  applied  to  the  Virginia 
Company,  then  under  the  management  of  Sandys,  Southamp 
ton,  and  other  liberal  members,  who  zealously  espousing  their 
cause,  obtained,  though  not  without  difficulty,  from  King  James 
a  promise  to  wink  at  their  heresy,  provided  they  remained  other- 


160         SETTLEMENT  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 

wise  tranquil.  Smith,  deeply  interested  in  this  transaction, 
tendered  and  even  pressed  his  services ;  \vhich  would  doubtless 
have  been  extremely  valuable.  His  religious  views,  however, 
were  materially  different,  and  instead  of  the  subordination  \vhich 
he  required,  he  found  in  them  a  rooted  determination  "to  be 
lords  and  kings  of  themselves."  It  was  necessary,  therefore, 
that  they  should  "  make  trial  of  their  own  follies  ;"  for  which, 
he  mentions  with  a  mixture  of  regret  and  triumph,  that  "  they 
payed  soundly,  and  were  beaten  with  their  own  rod."  They 
also  wanted  capital  adequate  to  the  founding  of  a  plantation. 
Several  London  merchants  agreed  to  advance  the  necessary 
sums,  to  be  repaid  out  of  the  proceeds  of  their  industry ;  but 
the  terms  were  very  high,  and  till  the  liquidation  of  the  debt, 
the  produce  of  their  labour  was  to  be  thrown  into  a  common 
stock  for  the  benefit  of  the  creditors  ;  hence  their  exertions 
were  not  stimulated  by  the  salutary  impulse  of  personal  interest. 
With  the  means  thus  procured,  the  emigrants  purchased  one 
vessel  of  sixty,  and  hired  another  of  one  hundred  and  eighty 
tons ;  the  former  of  which  sailed  to  Delfthaven  to  take  on  board 
the  brethren.  The  two  joined  at  Southampton,  and  thence  pro 
ceeded  on  their  great  western  voyage ;  but  before  they  reached 
the  Land's  End,  the  master  of  the  smaller  one,  declaring  her  to 
be  too  leaky  to  cross  the  Atlantic,  put  back  to  Dartmouth  for 
repairs.  After  another  trial,  the  captain  again  pronounced  her 
unfit  for  the  voyage,  and  made  sail  for  Plymouth.  These  disas 
ters  and  alarms,  though  involving  the  loss  of  much  precious 
time,  "  winnowed  their  number  of  the  cowardly  and  the  luke 
warm  ;"  and  they  finally  set  sail  in  one  vessel,  on  the  6th  Sep 
tember,  1620,  being  in  all  one  hundred  and  two  persons,  with 
the  firm  determination  of  braving  every  hardship.  They  had  a 
tempestuous  voyage,  and  though  their  destination  was  the  mouth 
of  the  Hudson,  they  arrived  on  the  9th  November,  in  view  of 
a  great  promontory,  which  proved  to  be  Cape  Cod.  The  cap 
tain,  it  has  been  alleged,  had  received  a  bribe  from  the  Dutch 
to  avoid  a  place  where  they  projected  a  settlement.  Of  this, 


ARRIVAL  OF  THE  PILGRIMS. 


161 


Landing  of  the  Pilgrims. 


however,  the  adventurers  being  ignorant,  \vere  comforted  by 
the  view  of  a  goodly  land  wooded  to  the  water's  edge.  Whales 
so  abounded,  that  had  the  crew  possessed  means  and  instru 
ments,  which,  to  their  great  regret,  were  wanting,  they  might 
have  procured  4000/.  worth  of  oil.  They  sailed  on  toward 
their  destination,  but  being  driven  back  by  contrary  winds,  de 
termined  to  go  ashore.  Previously,  however,  they  sought  to 
obviate  the  danger  of  discord  by  a  mutual  agreement,  in  the 
name  of  God,  to  combine  into  a  body  politic ;  framing  and  duly 
observing  laws  for  the  general  good. 

They  landed  on  the  llth  ;  but  being  informed  that  more  com 
modious  spots  might  be  found  to  the  northwest,  in  the  interior 
of  the  great  Bay  of  Massachusetts,  they  determined  that  a  se 
lect  party  should  proceed  in  the  shallop  in  search  of  them. 
14* 


162         SETTLEMENT  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 

The  boat,  however,  was  in  such  disrepair  that  it  could  not  sail 
till  the  end  of  two  or  three  weeks:  sixteen  of  them,  therefore, 
resolved  to  make  an  excursion  into  the  interior.  They  met  no 
natives,  but  found  on  a  hill,  half-buried  in  the  ground,  several 
baskets  filled  with  ears  of  corn,  part  of  which  they  carried 
away,  meaning  to  satisfy  the  owners  on  the  first  opportunity, 
which  unluckily  never  occurred.  They  saw  many  geese  and 
ducks,  but  were  unable  to  reach  them ;  and  being  exposed  to 
severe  cold,  hastily  returned.  Soon  after  they  started  for  the 
same  spot,  named  Cornhill,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  which  they 
collected  ten  bushels  of  grain,  esteemed  a  providential  supply. 
They  lighted  upon  a  village  without  inhabitants  ;  but  the  houses 
were  neatly  constructed  of  young  saplins  bent  at  top,  as  in  an 
arbour,  and  covered  without  and  within  with  fine  mats.  Eagles' 
claws,  deer's  feet,  and  harts'  horns,  were  stuck  into  them  as 
charms  and  ornaments.  They  then  regained  their  boat  and 
sailed  round  to  the  ship.  Some  of  their  number  urged  that 
they  should  remain  at  least  during  the  winter  in  this  creek, 
\vhere  corn  and  fish  could  be  procured,  while  many  were  dis 
abled  by  sickness  for  further  removal.  The  majority,  however, 
observed  that  water  was  scarce,  and  the  anchorage  for  ships 
too  distant;  that  they  had  every  chance  of  finding  a  better 
situation,  and  to  fix  here  and  then  remove  would  be  doubling 
their  labour. 

On  the  6th  December,  therefore,  the  shallop  being  at  length 
ready,  a  chosen  party  set  sail.  After  proceeding  six  or  seven 
leagues,  they  reached  a  bay  forming  a  good  harbour,  but  with 
out  a  stream  falling  into  it.  Seeing  some  Indian  wigwams,  they 
followed,  but  could  not  reach  the  people,  and  found  only  a  large 
burying-place.  They  returned  to  sleep  at  the  landing-place, 
but  at  midnight  were  wakened  by  "  a  great  hideous  cry,"  which 
they  flattered  themselves  proceeded  only  from  wolves  or  foxes. 
Next  morning,  just  after  prayers,  the  sound  was  heard  with  re 
doubled  violence,  and  was  most  dreadful.  A  straggler  rushed 
in,  crying,  "  they  are  men, — Indians."  Though  the  party  ran 


SETTLEMENT  OF  NEW  PLYMOUTH.  163 

to  their  arms,  before  they  could  be  mustered,  the  arrows  were 
flying  thick  among  them.  A  brisk  fire  checked  the  assailants  ; 
but  the  chief,  shooting  from  a  tree,  stood  three  discharges,  till 
at  the  fourth  he  screamed  out  and  ran,  followed  by  his  men. 
They  were  reckoned  at  thirty  or  forty,  and  numerous  arrows 
were  picked  up ;  but  providentially  not  one  Englishman  wras 
hurt. 

They  sailed  fifteen  leagues  further,  and  on  the  9th  reached  a 
harbour  that  had  been  strongly  recommended.  The  weather 
was  dark  and  stormy,  and  the  entrance  encumbered  with  rocks ; 
yet  they  fortunately  run  in  on  a  fine  sandy  beach.  This  being 
Saturday,  they  did  not  land  till  Monday  the  llth,  when  they 
were  highly  pleased,  finding  a  commodious  harbour,  a  land 
well  wooded,  vines,  cherries,  and  berries,  lately  planted,  and  a 
.hill  cleared  for  corn.  There  was  no  navigable  stream,  but 
several  brooks  of  fresh  water  fell  into  the  sea.  They  advanced 
seven  or  eight  miles  into  the  country  without  seeing  any 
Indians. 

They  now  finally  fixed  upon  this  spot,  to  which,  on  the  19th, 
the  vessel  was  brought  round  ;  and  they  named  it  New  Ply 
mouth,  to  commemorate  hospitalities  received  at  home.  The 
erection  of  houses,  however,  was  a  hard  task,  amid  severe 
weather,  short  days,  and  very  frequent  storms.  By  distribut 
ing  the  unmarried  among  the  several  families,  they  reduced  the 
buildings  wanted  to  nineteen,  and  by  the  10th  January,  had 
completed  one,  twenty  feet  square,  for  public  meetings.  The 
exposure,  however,  and  wading  through  the  water  in  such  in 
clement  weather,  brought  on  severe  illnesses,  to  which  Carver, 
a  governor  highly  esteemed,  and  many  others,  fell  victims.  But 
on  the  3d  March,  a  south  wind  sprung  up ;  the  weather  be 
came  mild ;  the  birds  sung  in  the  woods  most  pleasantly  ;  the 
invalids  quickly  recovered ;  and  many  of  them  lived  to  a  good 
old  age. 

In  the  autumn  of  1621,  the  merchants  sent  out  another  ves 
sel  with  thirty-five  settlers  ;  but,  misled  by  "  prodigal  reports 


164  SETTLEMENT  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 

of  plenty"  sent  home  by  certain  colonists,  they  supplied  no  por- 
visions ;  nay,  the  crew  required  to  be  provided  \vilh  a  portion 
for  their  return  voyage.  The  consequence  was,  that  in  the 
course  of  the  winter  the  colonists  were  reduced  to  a  half-allow 
ance  of  corn  daily,  then  to  five  kernels  a-piece  ;  lastly,  to  entire 
want.  Equally  destitute  of  live-stock,  they  depended  wholly 
on  wild  animals.  Till  May,  1622,  fowls  abounded ;  but  there 
remained  then  merely  fish,  which  they  had  not  nets  to  catch ; 
and  it  was  only  by  feeding  on  the  shell  species,  collected  among 
the  rocks,  that  they  were  preserved  from  absolute  starvation. 

The  emigrants  had  seen  the  natives  only  in  the  short  hos 
tile  encounter,  but  afterwards  learned  that  a  severe  pestilence 
had  thinned  their  numbers.  The  crime  of  Hunt,  also,  had  filled 
the  country  with  horror  and  dread  of  the  strangers.  To  their 
surprise,  on  the  16th  March,  1621,  a  savage  almost  naked,  in 
the  most  confident  manner,  walked  through  the  village,  and  ad 
dressed  those  he  met  in  broken  English.  They  crowded  round 
him,  and  on  their  eager  inquiry,  learned  that  his  name  was 
Samoset ;  that  he  belonged  to  the  Wampanoags,  a  somewhat 
distant  tribe  ;  and  that  their  immediate  neighbours  were  the 
people  of  Massassoit  and  the  Nausites,  the  latter  of  whom  had 
been  the  assailants  in  the  late  conflict.  They  treated  him 
liberally  with  strong  waters  and  food,  presented  him  with  a 
greatcoat,  knife,  and  ornaments,  and  begged  him  to  return  with 
some  of  his  countrymen.  After  a  brief  absence,  he  reappeared 
with  "  five  proper  men,"  presenting  the  usual  grotesque  attire 
and  ferocious  aspect.  They  all  heartily  danced  and  sung.  A 
few  days  later  he  brought  Squanto,  whose  restoration  to  his  na 
tive  country,  as  we  have  already  narrated,  had  rendered  him 
extremely  friendly  to  our  name.  Being  ready  to  act  as  inter 
preter  and  mediator,  he  opened  a  communication  with  Massas 
soit  ;  and  on  the  22d  March,  that  great  sagamore,  with  Quade- 
quina  his  brother,  and  sixty  men,  was  announced  as  in  the 
vicinity.  Difficulties  were  felt  as  to  the  meeting,  from  want  of 
mutual  confidence ;  however,  Squanto  having  brought  an  invi- 


TREATY  WITH  MASSASSOIT. 


165 


Treaty  with  Massassoit. 


tation  to  parley,  Edward  Winslow  went  with  presents,  and  was 
kindly  received.  The  governor,  then,  after  obtaining  some  In 
dians  as  hostages,  marched  out  at  the  head  of  six  musketeers, 
kissed  hands  with  the  great  chief,  and  presented  a  bottle  of 
strong  waters,  of  which  he  drank  somewhat  copiously.  A 
treaty  was  concluded,  both  of  abstinence  from  mutual  injury, 
and  protection  against  others;  and  it  was  long  faithfully  ob 
served. 

Two  of  the  settlers  now  accepted  an  invitation  to  visit  his 
residence.     After  a  laborious  journey  of  fifteen  miles  through 


166         SETTLEMENT  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 

trackless  woods,  they  were  received  with  great  courtesy,  but 
found  a  total  deficiency  of  victuals,  of  which  it  seems  the 
king's  absence  had  prevented  any  supply.  At  night  they  were 
honoured  by  sharing  the  royal  couch,  which  consisted  of  a  large 
board,  covered  with  a  thin  mat.  At  the  other  end  lay  his  ma 
jesty  and  the  queen  ;  and  they  had  soon  the  additional  company 
of  two  chiefs,  who,  with  a  large  colony  of  fleas  and  other  in 
sects,  and  the  uncouth  songs  with  which  their  bed-fellows  lulled 
themselves  to  rest,  rendered  their  slumbers  very  brief.  Next 
day,  two  large  bream  were  spread  on  the  table  ;  but  "forty  ex 
pected  a  share."  Though  strongly  urged,  they  declined  to  par 
take  any  longer  of  these  hospitalities. 

In  February,  1622,  the  settlers  had  completely  enclosed  their 
town,  forming  four  bulwarks  and  three  gates.  They  were 
some  time  after  alarmed  by  hearing  that  Massassoit,  now  at  the 
point  of  death,  was  likely  to  be  succeeded  by  his  son  Couba- 
tant,  whose  disposition  was  far  from  friendly.  Edward  Wins- 
low  hastened  to  the  spot,  and  found  the  magicians  busy  at  their 
incantations,  and  six  or  eight  women  chafing  him  amidst  hideous 
yells.  The  chief,  already  blind,  cried  out ;  "  Oh,  Winslow,  I 
shall  never  see  thee  again  !"  That  gentleman,  however,  by 
suitable  medicines,  gave  present  relief,  and  in  a  few  days  effect 
ed  a  cure.  Even  the  heir-apparent,  being  promised  similar  aid 
in  case  of  need,  became  greatly  reconciled  to  them. 

Meantime,  Weston,  one  of  the  London  adventurers,  had  sent 
out  a  settlement  consisting  of  sixty  individuals  to  a  place  which 
they  named  Weymouth  ;  but  they  behaved  so  ill  to  the  Indians, 
that  the  latter  entered  into  a  general  confederacy  to  cut  off  all 
the  English.  This  was  revealed  by  Massassoit,  to  his  friends 
at  Plymouth,  who  succeeded  in  saving  both  themselves  and 
their  rivals,  though  the  latter  were  obliged  to  relinquish  their 
establishment,  some  returning  home,  and  others  joining  the  first 
colony. 

This  last  made  such  progress  that,  though  reduced,  in  the 
spring  of  1621 ,  to  fifty  or  sixty  persons,  in  1624,  it  amounted 


PROSPERITY  OF  THE  COLONIES.  167 

to  a  hundred  and  eighty.  The  merchants,  however,  complained 
most  loudly,  that  they  had  laid  out  a  large  capital  without  re 
ceiving  or  having  any  prospect  of  the  slightest  return.  After 
much  discussion,  it  was  determined  that  the  colonists  should  now 
supply  themselves  with  everything,  and  for  past  services  should, 
during  nine  years,  pay  200/.  annually.  Eight  adventurers,  on 
receiving  a  monopoly  of  the  trade  for  six  years,  undertook  to 
meet  this  engagement ;  so  that  the  settlers  were  now  established 
in  the  full  property  of  their  lands.  In  six  years  more  their 
number  had  risen  to  three  hundred. 

The  Plymouth  Company,  meantime,  continued  their  abortive 
efforts  to  derive  some  benefit  from  their  vast  domains  ;  being 
particularly  solicitous  to  stop  the  actiye  trade  and  fishery 
carried  on  in  defiance  of  them.  Francis  West  was  appointed 
admiral,  and  Robert  Gorges,  lieutenant-general  of  New  Eng 
land,  with  strict  injunctions  to  restrain  interlopers;  but  in  an 
ocean  and  continent  almost  equally  wide  and  waste,  they  could 
effect  little.  The  most  important  grant  was  to  Robert,  son  of 
Sir  Ferdinand  Gorges,  who,  obtaining  a  large  portion  of  what 
is  now  called  New  Hampshire,  employed  Captain  Mason,  a 
person  of  great  activity,  to  colonize  it ;  and  hence  were  built 
Dover  and  Portsmouth  on  the  Piscataqua.  These,  however, 
made  only  a  slow  progress  ;  nor  was  it  till  the  death  of  their 
founders,  that,  being  left  nearly  to  themselves,  they  drew 
gradual  accessions  both  from  home  and  the  adjoining  colony. 
The  crews,  also,  who  sought  timber  and  fish  on  the  coast  of 
Maine,  began  to  form  fixed  stations  on  the  Penobscot  and  Ken- 
nebec. 

The  emigration,  however,  which  was  to  render  New  Eng 
land  a  flourishing  colony,  was  again  derived  from  the  suspicion 
and  dread  which  always  attend  religious  persecution.  It  seems 
to  have  abated  towards  the  end  of  James's  reign,  Abbot,  the 
primate,  being  a  man  of  mild  temper,  and  averse  to  violent  mea 
sures.  In  1625,  Charles  I.  succeeded,  a  young  prince  of  vir 
tuous  dispositions,  but  of  an  obstinate  and  despotic  temper,  at- 


169         SETTLEMENT  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 

tached  with  a  conscientious  but  blind  zeal  to  the  English  church, 
and  probably  imbibing  from  his  queen  Henrietta  some  favour 
for  popish  ceremonies.  He  threw  himself  into  the  arms  of 
Laud,  bishop  of  London,  a  zealot  in  the  same  cause,  and  they 
entered  together  on  a  career  oppressive  to  the  nation,  and  ulti 
mately  fatal  to  themselves. 

Laud  proceeded  with  the  utmost  severity,  not  only  against 
the  doctrine  of  the  puritans,  but  against  any  particular  display 
of  it,  such  as  preaching  on  week-days,  enforcing  a  rigid  observ 
ance  of  the  Sabbath,  rebuking  for  drunkenness  or  other  open  sin. 
These  steps  were  sufficient,  according  to  circumstances,  to  pro 
duce  censure,  suspension,  and  deprivation.  All  the  popular 
ministers  in  the  kingdom  were  thus  either  silenced  or  under  im 
mediate  peril  of  this  sentence ;  and  hence  a  great  part  of  the 
nation  was  deprived  of  any  ministration  which  they  considered 
profitable  or  edifying.  Yet  loyalty  was  still  powerful,  and  they 
were  not  ripe  for  that  terrible  resistance,  to  which  they  were 
afterwards  impelled.  Their  only  refuge  seemed  to  be  in  some 
distant  region,  whither  the  power  of  Laud  could  not  reach,  and 
where  they  might  enjoy  a  form  of  worship  which  they  esteemed 
pure  and  scriptural. 

In  1625,  Roger  Conant,  writh  some  mercantile  aid,  but 
chiefly  inspired  by  religious  zeal,  had  established  a  body  of 
settlers  near  Cape  Ann  ;  their  sufferings,  however,  were  so 
severe,  .that  they  determined  to  return  to  England.  White, 
however,  an  eminent  minister  of  Dorchester,  entreated  him  to 
remain,  promising  that  he  should  receive  a  patent,  friends,  goods, 
provisions,  and  everything  he  could  desire.  This  zealous  clergy 
man  held  communication  with  many  persons  in  his  own  neigh 
bourhood,  in  London,  and  other  quarters,  particularly  Lincoln 
shire  ;  who,  with  zeal  for  religious  purity,  united  energy  of 
character,  and  in  many  cases  considerable  property.  They 
found  no  difficulty  in  purchasing  from  the  Plymouth  Company 
an  extensive  tract,  including  all  the  coast  between  the  rivers 
Charles  and  Merrimac,  and  across  to  the  Pacific  Ocean.  They 


ARRIVAL  OF  COLONISTS.  169 

even  obtained,  though  not  without  cost  and  trouble,  a  charter 
from  Charles,  under  the  title  of  "  The  Company  of  the  Massa 
chusetts  Bay."  On  the  delicate  topic  of  religion,  the  governor 
was  impowered,  but  not  required,  to  administer  the  oath  of 
supremacy ;  and  there  was  no  other  mention  of  the  subject. 

On  the  1st  May,  1629,  six  vessels,  having  on  board  about 
two  hundred  passengers,  including  four  clergymen,  sailed  from 
the  Isle  of  Wight.  Smith  would  evidently  have  been  glad  to 
co-operate ;  but  difference  of  religious  views  seems  again  to 
have  prevented  negotiation.  He  describes  them  "  an  absolute 
crewr,  only  of  the  elect,  holding  all  but  such  as  themselves  as 
reprobate ;"  and  before  sailing,  all  those  persons  were  dismissed 
\vhose  character  was  thought  to  make  them  unsuitable  com 
panions.  The  seamen  were  surprised  and  edified  by  the  newr 
scene  which  their  ships  presented, — prayer  and  exposition  of 
the  word  two  or  three  times  a  day ;  the  Sabbath  entirely  spent 
in  preaching  and  catechising ;  repeated  and  solemn  fasts  for  the 
success  of  the  voyage.  They  arrived  on  the  24th  June,  and 
found  only  eight  or  ten  hovels,  which,  with  others  scattered 
along  the  coast,  contained  about  one  hundred  settlers.  A  site, 
already  marked  out,  had  its  name  changed  from  Nahumkeik  to 
Salem  ;  while  a  large  party  removed  to  Mishaum,  which  they 
called  Charleston. 

The  colonists  suffered  severely  during  the  winter  under  the 
usual  evils  of  a  new  settlement,  especially  in  so  rigorous  a 
climate.  No  fewer  than  eighty  died  ;  yet  the  spirits  of  the  rest 
continued  unbroken,  and  they  transmitted  by  no  means  unfavour 
able  reports  to  England.  An  extraordinary  movement  had  in 
the  mean  time  taken  place  among  those  to  whom  their  religious 
welfare  was  an  object  of  paramount  interest;  and  their  prompt 
itude  to  remove  was  greatly  increased  by  an  arrangement,  ac 
cording  to  which  the  meetings  of  the  company  might  be  held  in 
New  England.  The  colonists  thus  carried  the  charter  along 
with  them,  and  were  entirely  released  from  all  dependence  upon 
Great  Britain.  A  body  of  emigrants  was  formed,  much  supe- 
15 


170  SETTLEMENT  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 

rior  to  their  predecessors  in  numbers,  wealth,  education,  and 
intelligence.  The  principal  lay  members  were,  Winthrop,  Dud 
ley,  and  Johnson  ;  the  two  first  of  whom  were  successively 
governors,  while  the  other  was  accompanied  by  his  wife,  Lady 
Arabella,  a  daughter  of  the  house  of  Lincoln. 

The  party  thus  assembled  from  various  quarters  was  ready 
to  sail  early  in  the  spring  of  1630.  The  expedition  consisted 
of  seventeen  vessels,  and  nearly  fifteen  hundred  settlers,  who 
were  respectable  as  well  for  their  intelligence  as  for  their  rank 
in  society.  They  had,  however,  received  a  false  impression, 
that  they  were  going  to  a  land  already  in  the  enjoyment  of 
plenty ;  whereas  the  existing  settlers  were  looking  anxiously  to 
them  for  supplies.  Want  of  food  and  shelter,  and  a  change  in 
the  habits  of  life,  which  with  many  of  them  had  been  those  of 
ease  and  comfort,  produced  the  usual  distressing  consequences; 
and  in  the  first  month  from  eighty  to  one  hundred  died,  among 
whom  Lady  Arabella  and  her  husband  were  particularly  la 
mented.  The  hopes  of  religion,  the  firmness  of  the  leaders, 
and  the  high  motives  by  which  they  were  inspired,  carried  them 
through  this  period  of  heavy  trial.  They  spread  themselves 
over  the  coast, — a  large  proportion  going  to  Charleston.  Part 
of  these  were  attracted  by  a  situation  at  the  very  head  of  the 
bay,  named  by  the  Indians  Shawmut,  where  they  founded  a  town 
called  first  Trimountain,  and  afterwards  Boston,  under  which 
name  it'has  become  famous. 

Emigration  during  the  next  two  years  considerably  diminish 
ed,  probably  owing  to  the  reports  being  less  favourable.  In 
the  course  of  that  time,  however,  the  industry  of  the  colonists 
greatly  improved  their  situation.  Winthrop  even  laments  that 
the  high  wages  of  labour,  amounting  to  2s.  6d.  a  day,  led  to 
idleness  and  dissipation.  These  accounts  were  transmitted  to 
England,  where  the  puritan  spirit  was  gaining  new  strength, 
while  Charles  and  Laud  were  using  additional  efforts  to  sup 
press  it ;  hence  the  emigration  of  1633  became  highly  im 
portant,  including  several  distinguished  clergymen.  The  chief 


SETTLEMENT  OF  BOSTON. 


171 


Settlement  of  Boston. 


of  these  was  Mr.  Cotton  of  Boston,  in  Lincolnshire,  the  most 
esteemed  of  all  the  puritan  ministers.  He  was  accompanied 
by  Hooker  and  Stone,  to  obtain  the  benefit  of  whose  minis 
trations  many  were  induced  to  attach  themselves  to  the  expe 
dition. 

In  1634,  a  fleet  of  twenty  sail  carried  out  numerous  colonists, 
among  whom  was  Sir  Henry  Vane,  who  became  afterwards  one 
of  the  most  distinguished  characters  of  the  age.  As  popula 
tion  increased,  the  range  of  settlement  was  extended  ;  and, 
in  1636,  a  detachment  proceeded  to  the  Connecticut  river  to 
occupy  a  station  for  some  time  projected.  In  1637,  a  large 
squadron  was  in  preparation,  when  the^  court  took  the  alarm. 
The  nation  seemed  about  to  be  drained  of  its  people,  and  Eng 
land  as  it  were  to  be  moving  across  the  Atlantic.  The  well- 
known  and  unwelcome  cause  rendered  it  only  wonderful  that  so 


172         SETTLEMENT  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 

much  indulgence  had  hitherto  been  shown.  A  proclamation 
was  now  issued  against  "  the  disorderly  transporting  of  his  ma 
jesty's  subjects  to  America,"  and  the  lord  treasurer  was  directed 
to  stay  the  vessels  now  in  the  Thames,  and  cause  the  passengers 
and  goods  to  be  landed.  The  discontent  at  this  measure  was 
extreme  ;  loud  complaints  were  made  by  the  puritans  that  they 
were  neither  allowed  to  live  in  nor  to  depart  out  of  the  king 
dom.  By  special^  permission,  in  fact,  or  even  without  it,  most 
of  them  reached  the  coast  of  New  England. 

But  the  insurrection,  which  was  afterwards  excited  by  the 
attempt  to  impose  the  liturgy  on  Scotland,  the  enforced  calling 
of  a  parliament,  and  the  memorable  train  of  consequent  changes, 
made  persecution  cease,  and  removed  all  disposition  to  leave 
England.  Emigration  was  thus  for  a  long  time  almost  entirely 
suspended ;  yet  not  till  the  foundations  of  a  great  and  powerful 
colony  had  been  laid.  In  the  course  of  ten  years,  there  had  ar 
rived  about  twenty-one  thousand  emigrants  in  one  hundred  and 
ninety-eight  ships,  and  carrying  with  them  property,  estimated, 
we  imagine  much  too  low,  at  200,000/. 

The  people,  thus  established  on  the  shores  of  New  England, 
were  of  a  peculiar,  and  in  many  respects  valuable  character. 
They  regarded  their  religious  welfare  as  the  object  in  life  to 
which  every  other  ought  to  be  considered  secondary.  Their 
desire  Was,  that  the  Scriptures  should  be  the  basis  on  which  the 
whole  frame- work  of  their  society  should  rest.  The  main 
tenance  of  their  rigid  principles,  in  the  face  of  a  brow-beating 
opposition,  induced  a  somewhat  stern  temper,  not  quite  in  unison 
with  the  mild  spirit  of  the  gospel.  But  their  anxiety  to  regu 
late  their  life  by  its  pure  precepts,  the  fixed  and  persevering 
character  which  these  high  motives  gave  to  their  exertions,  were 
peculiarly  valuable  in  a  situation  where  there  was  so  much  both 
to  be  done  and  to  be  suffered. 

In  pursuance  of  these  principles,  the  right  of  citizenship  was 
confined  to  church  members.  To  this  privilege  the  candidate 
was  admitted  by  the  minister  and  lay  elders,  who  required  not 


FORM  OF  COLONIAL  GOVERNMENT.        173 

only  a  suitable  profession,  but  such  a  disclosure  of  his  experience 
as  might  enable  them  to  judge  of  his  spiritual  state. 

The  emigrants  had  belonged  to  the  church  of  England,  in 
which,  under  certain  conditions,  they  had  been  willing  to  remain. 
But  when  left  to  their  own  uncontrolled  decision,  they  not  only 
rejected  all  the  obnoxious  ceremonies,  but  constituted  every 
congregation,  with  the  ministers  and  elders  of  its  own  election, 
independent  of  all  other  ecclesiastical  power.  They  formed, 
however,  a  platform  of  doctrine  and  discipline,  to  which  all 
were  required  to  conform.  This  was  carried  so  far,  that  a 
party,  who  insisted  upon  still  maintaining  the  rites  of  their 
original  church,  were  obliged  to  return  to  England.  A  new 
code  of  laws  was  established,  rather  upon  scriptural  precedents 
than  upon  civil  statute.  Offences  against  property  were  dealt 
with  more  mildly  than  till  very  lately  in  any  European  coun 
try  ;  the  guilty  person  being  only  sentenced  to  make  ample 
restitution,  or,  in  extreme  cases,  to  be  sold  into  slavery.  But 
blasphemy,  reviling  of  religion  and  worship,  contemptuous 
profanation  of  the  Lord's  day,  and,  finally,  the  breach  of  the 
marriage  vow%  were  declared  capital.  No  severity  could  pre 
vent  the  extensive  prevalence  of  such  disorders  ;  yet  such  was 
the  awe  over  the  public  mind,  that  the  discovery  was  usually 
made  by  the  offender  confessing  and  surrendering  himself  to 
justice. 

In  regard  to  political  liberty,  the  colonists  equally  went  be 
yond  what  was  intended  or  expected.  By  the  original  charter, 
the  whole  power,  legislative  and  executive,  was  vested  in  a 
governor,  deputy-governor,  and  thirteen  assistants,  to  be  chosen 
by  the  members  or  freemen,  not  of  the  colony,  but  of  the  com 
pany.  These,  at  least  four  times  a  year,  were  to  meet  and  de 
cide  on  important  concerns.  To  the  first  emigrants  the  court 
graciously  allowed  the  choice  of  two  assistants  ;  in  other  re 
spects,  they  had  not  a  vestige  of  political  privilege.  This  arbi 
trary  government  was,  by  the  simple  transference  of  the  sittings 
of  the  company  to  America,  converted  into  an  almost  pure  de- 
15* 


174  SETTLEMENT  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 

mocracy.  Its  freemen  were  then  held  to  be  the  entire  body  of 
the  settlers,  limited  only  by  the  spiritual  qualification  ;  they 
elected  all  the  executive  officers,  and  exercised  the  supreme 
power.  As  their  assembly  in  a  body,  however,  was  incon 
venient,  a  meeting  of  two  deputies  from  each  township  was 
arranged  to  assist  in  the  processes  of  legislation.  Thus  New 
England  was  formed  at  once  into  a  representative  republic. 

These  transactions  tended  seriously  to  displease  many  lead 
ing  men  in  England.  A  petition  was  presented  from  Gorges, 
Mason,  and  some  refugees,  complaining  of  arbitrary  and  violent 
proceedings,  tending  to  the  dishonour  of  the  country,  and  the 
ultimate  ruin  of  the  settlement. 

These  representations  were  too  well  suited  to  the  temper  of 
the  ruling  party  not  to  produce  an  effect.  In  1634,  an  inquiry 
was  raised  as  to  the  system  of  colonial  church  discipline ;  and 
the  letters  patent  of  the  company  were  required  to  be  produced. 
A  commission,  with  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  at  its  head, 
was  invested  with  full  authority  to  regulate  the  civil  and  ecclesi 
astical  affairs  of  New  England.  In  this  exigency,  the  settlers 
opposed  a  passive  resistance,  in  which  they  were  supported  by 
their  clergy  ;  without  directly  refusing  to  comply,  they  took  no 
notice  of  having  received  the  mandates  ;  but,  in  case  matters 
should  come  to  extremity,  they  subscribed  a  considerable  sum  to 
fortify  the  town  of  Boston. 

Meantime,  restraints  were  placed  upon  emigration ;  none 
above  the  rank  of  serving-men  were  allowed  to  remove  with 
out  special  leave  ;  arid  these  were  required  to  take  the  oaths 
of  supremacy  and  allegiance.  These  measures  were  followed 
up  in  1635  by  a  quo  warranto,  entered  against  the  company  in 
the  Court  of  King's  Bench.  Judgment  was  pronounced  accord 
ingly  ;  but  before  the  proceedings  were  closed,  Mason,  the  most 
active  instigator  of  them,  died.  This  produced  a  temporary 
suspension,  and  the  unabated  rigour  towards  the  non-conformists 
caused  large  emigrations.  These,  in  the  spring  of  1637,  roused 
with  peculiar  force  the  jealousy  of  the  court,  and,  as  formerly 


RELIGIOUS  DISSENSIONS.  175 

mentioned,  an  order  was  sent  to  stay  them.  At  the  same  time, 
the  proceedings  instituted  for  subverting  the  patent  were  re 
vived,  and  a  demand  was  sent  out,  that  it  should  be  returned, 
with  a  threat,  in  case  of  refusal,  that  the  king  would  assume 
the  whole  administration  into  his  own  hands.  The  leading 
men  of  the  colony  drew  up  a  very  spirited  remonstrance, 
representing  the  extreme  hardship  of  this  proceeding,  and  even 
cautiously  intimating  a  danger  of  popular  resistance.  This, 
probably,  would  have  little  availed  them,  had  not  Charles,  at 
the  time  of  its  arrival,  found  himself  involved  in  the  disastrous 
contest,  arising  out  of  his  attempts  upon  Scotland,  \vhich,  so 
far  as  he  was  personally  concerned,  brought  matters  to  a  fatal 
termination. 

But  the  diversion  hereby  produced  did  not  procure  for  the 
colony  the  repose  which  was  so  desirable.  The  religious  feel 
ing  which  ought  to  have  inspired  a  spirit  of  peace,  became, 
through  an  unfortunate  combination  of  circumstances,  a  fertile 
source  of  discord.  Among  the  Protestants,  two  classes  might 
be  distinctly  traced,  who  soon  became  bitterly  opposed  to  each 
other.  The  one  having,  as  they  conceived,  thrown  off  the 
errors  of  popery,  and  established  a  new  system  of  doctrine  and 
worship  founded  on  the  Scriptures,  sought  to  re-establish  on 
this  new  basis  that  spiritual  unity  which  appeared  to  them  most 
desirable. 

This  party  not  only  strongly  condemned  farther  innovation, 
but  employed  compulsory  and  sometimes  violent  measures  against 
it.  The  other  class,  on  the  contrary,  insisted  that  the  Refor 
mation  was  only  begun,  and  should  be  a  continued  and  progres 
sive  movement.  They  sought,  not  a  gradual  change,  but  a 
new  one  as  mighty  as  that  already  produced  ;  one  by  which,  in 
short,  everything  that  was  now  sacred  might  become  profane. 
This  object  was  sought  not  by  study,  inquiry,  or  the  learned 
interpretation  of  holy  writ,  all  which  were  condemned  or  de 
spised.  Their  place  was  supplied  by  inward  and  sensible  reve 
lations  and  prophetic  ecstasies.  These,  coming  direct  from  on 


176  SETTLEMENT  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 

high,  were  represented  as  not  only  rendering  all  human  learning 
utterly  superfluous,  but  even  the  sacred  volume  itself  of  se 
condary  value.  Yet  it  is  remarkable  that  this  class  first  ori 
ginated  and  zealously  supported  the  great  principle  of  religious 
liberty. 

The  first  of  these  classes,  when  they  saw  their  churches  half- 
deserted  from  .the  multitude  thronging  after  strange  teachers, 
resolved  to  suppress  the  movement  of  their  opponents.  They, 
therefore,  passed  a  law  making  it  a  capital  offence  for  any  one 
to  attempt  to  seduce  others.  In  fact,  however,  banishment  was 
usually  awarded,  less  as  a  punishment  than  as  a  means  of  de 
livering  the  society  from  them;  and  it  was  only  when  they 
resisted  it,  that  other  penalties,  sometimes  of  extreme  severity, 
were  successively  inflicted. 

The  first  great  schism  which  rent  the  colony  was  raised  by 
Roger  Williams,  a  young  divine,  who  went  out  in  the  year 
1631,  and  soon  becoming  highly  popular,  was  chosen  minister 
of  Salem.  Considerable  learning,  an  ardent  eloquence,  and  a 
temper  peculiarly  amiable,  or,  as  Winslow  expresses  it,  "  a 
lovely  carriage,"  rendered  him  a  general  favourite.  For  some 
time  he  was  equally  beloved  by  clergy  and  people ;  but  he  soon 
began  to  adopt  peculiar  notions,  which  he  gradually  extended, 
till  at  last  he  withdrew  from  the  communion  of  all  the  churches 
both  in  England  and  America,  denouncing  them  as  quite  un- 
scriptural. 

The  ministers  and  rulers  of  the  colony  are  described  as 
cherishing  a  strong  personal  attachment  to  Williams,  and  feel 
ing  much  grief,  when  every  arrival  from  Salem  brought  ac 
counts  of  some  new  flight  he  had  taken.  He  began  by  pro 
claiming  that  King  James  had  publicly  told  a  solemn  lie  when 
he  named  the  English  as  the  first  discoverers  of  the  coast. 
Although  this  was  considered  a  speaking  evil  of  dignities,  yet 
being  only  a  speculative  and  somewhat  doubtful  question,  it 
was  passed  over.  He  then  proclaimed  that  the  English  had  no 
right  whatever  to  the  lands  occupied ;  but  this  opinion,  too, 


BANISHMENT  OF  ROGER  WILLIAMS.  177 

founded  on  equitable  principles,  was,  on  proper  explanation,  at 
least  excused.  He  denounced  and  even  raised  a  tumult  on  the 
subject  of  the  red  cross  in  the  banner ;  this  also  was  com 
promised.  But  when  he  proclaimed  all  the  churches  in  the 
colony  as  antichristian,  and  excommunicated  such  of  his  parish 
ioners  as  held  any  intercourse  with  them,  the  ire  of  the  ministers 
and  rulers  was  kindled.  They  seem,  indeed,  to  have  had  suf 
ficient  ground  to  provide  another  pastor  for  the  people  of  Salem, 
from  whom  all  spiritual  ministrations  were  now  withheld. 

Not,  however,  content  with  this  step,  they  forthwith  con 
vened  a  general  court,  and  by  no  very  large  majority  passed  a 
sentence  of  banishment.  Apprehensions  were  entertained,  aris 
ing  from  the  attachment  of  the  people  of  Salem  to  him  ;  but  on 
the  subject  being  represented  to  them,  they  acquiesced  without 
a  dissentient  voice.  As  the  rigour  of  winter  had  set  in,  they 
determined  at  first  so  far  to  mitigate  his  doom  as  to  allow  him 
to  remain  till  spring.  Information  being  receded,  however, 
that  he  continued  actively,  and  with  considerable  success  to  dis 
seminate  his  opinions,  the  somewhat  harsh  resolution  was  formed 
of  immediately  shipping  him  for  his  native  land.  This  might 
have  appeared  a  milder  exile  than  into  the  unexplored  wilds  of 
America ;  but  he  seems  to  have  formed  the  ambition  of  found 
ing  a  transatlantic  colony,  modelled  entirely  according  to  his 
own  peculiar  ideas.  Accordingly,  on  learning  that  a  warrant 
had  been  issued  against  him,  he  set  out  with  a  few  followers,  to 
seek  shelter  in  the  vast  wilderness.  His  sufferings,  in  the  ex 
tremity  of  winter,  without  bed,  bread,  or  any  shelter  but  in  the 
hollowr  of  a  tree,  may  be  easily  imagined.  He  describes  himself 
as  "  plucked  up  by  the  roots,  beset  with  losses,  distractions, 
miseries,  hardships  of  sea  and  land,  debts  and  wants."  The 
ministers  still  kept  up  a  kindly  correspondence,  to  which  he 
answered,  expressing  his  esteem,  and  bitterly  acknowledging 
"  their  sympathy  with  one  so  afflicted  and  persecuted  by  them 
selves  ;"  yet  wonders  why  he,  whom  they  named  "  beloved  in 
Jesus,"  should  be  forbidden  to  breathe  the  same  air,  and  inhabit 


178 


SETTLEMENT  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 


Banislimenl  of  Rorror  Williams. 


the  common  earth.  His  first  shelter  was  from  the  Indian  sachems 
Massassoit  and  Canonicus,  whom  he  had  conciliated  by  respect 
for  their  rights  and  by  kindly  behaviour.  "  The  ravens,"  he  says, 
"fed  him  in  the  wilderness."  He  attempted  first  a  settlement 
at  Scekonk,  but  finding  it  to  be  within  the  jurisdiction  of  Ply 
mouth,  crossed  over  to  the  fine  territory  of  Rhode  Island,  where 
he  encountered  no  prior  European  titles.  Here,  having  pro 
claimed  a  general  religious  liberty  and  established  a  mild  rule, 
he  rendered  his  colony  a  refuge  for  all  the  partisans  of  the 
movement ;  and  as  these,  soon  afterwards,  became  extremely 
numerous,  the  population  rapidly  increased,  till  Rhode  Island 
acquired  an  important  place  among  the  states  of  New  England. 


FEMALE  FANATICISM.  179 

The  Massachusetts  rulers,  however,  had  scarcely  eradicated 
from  their  land  the  seeds  of  this  heresy,  when  they  were  assailed 
by  a  more  formidable  one  from  a  very  unexpected  quarter.  The 
colonists,  having  made  so  many  sacrifices  for  the  sake  of  religion, 
devoted  to  it  an  almost  exclusive  attention,  which  might  require 
to  be  supported  by  some  novelty.  The  men,  involved  in  many 
occupations  and  difficulties,  had  less  leisure  to  ponder  the  sub 
ject  ;  but  of  the  female  emigrants,  many,  raised  by  their  situa 
tion  above  toil,  devoted  their  whole  minds  to  this  study.  They 
soon  became  convinced  of  tfceir  capacity  to  treat  with  success  its 
most  abstruse  dogmas,  and  to  discover  errors  in  the  most  learned 
ministers.  A  privilege  had  been  granted  to  hearers,  at  the  end 
of  the  sermon,  to  ask  questions,  "  wisely  and  sparingly ;"  and 
this  they  used  for  the  purpose  of  putting  searching  interroga 
tories,  calculated  to  expose  the  errors  of  the  preacher  and  the 
superior  wisdom  of  the  inquirer.  The  ministers,  annoyed  by 
these  conferences,  determined  altogether  to  exclude  from  them 
the  female  part  of  their  congregations ;  bui  these  zealous  theo 
logians,  naturally  dissatisfied  with  such  treatment,  resolved  not 
to  cease  their  discussions.  Mrs.  Hutchinson,  a  Lincolnshire 
lady  of  good  birth  and  great  energy  of  character,  held  every 
Sabbath  evening  a  numerous  meeting,  where  these  topics  were 
discussed  at  full  length ;  and  the  conclusion  was  attained  that 
the  teachers  and  congregations  of  the  colony  were  alike  in  total 
darkness,  and  must  undergo  a  radical  change  before  they  could 
hope  for  divine  favour. 

The  doctrines  embraced  with  such  ardent  zeal  were  those 
termed  antinomian,  into  the  details  of  which  we  shall  not  at 
present  enter.  According  to  them,  salvation  depended  wholly 
upon  unconditional  election,  which,  being  made  knowrn  to  its 
object  by  a  supernatural  assurance,  rendered  reformation  of 
heart  and  conduct  wholly  superfluous,  even  as  a  test  of  his 
spiritual  state.  It  is  not,  indeed,  alleged  that  this  doctrine  led 
its  female  advocates,  at  least,  to  indulge  profligate  and  immoral 
habits.  The  clergy,  however,  though  their  tenets  were  de- 


180  SETTLEMENT  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 

cidedly  Calvinistic,  strenuously  inculcated  reformation  of  man 
ners  as  the  test  of  a  sound  spiritual  state,  and  viewed  with  alarm 
the  doctrine  of  their  opponents,  as  tending  to  make  an  entire 
separation  between  faith  and  practice.  The  doctrine  of  the 
first  was  distinguished  as  a  Covenant  of  Faith,  while  their 
opponents  were  said  to  be  under  a  Covenant  of  Works. 

Although  this  heresy  was  as  yet  only  partial,  it  was  easy  to 
foresee,  from  the  class  among  whom  it  arose,  that  the  diffusion 
would  be  rapid.  The  clergy,  hitherto  regarded  with  such  pro 
found  respect,  soon  learned  that  they  were  denounced  in  the 
female  coterie  as  the  blind  leaders  of  the  blind,  and  that  the 
majority  of  the  people  of  Boston  were  completely  alienated. 
Many  who  had  crossed  three  thousand  miles  of  ocean,  and 
braved  death  itself,  to  sit  under  their  ministry,  would  not  now 
listen  to  a  word  which  they  uttered.  Their  churches,  if  not 
deserted,  were  at  least  greatly  thinned ;  while  that  of  Mr. 
Wheelwright,  brother-in-law  to  Mrs.  Hutchinson,  and  a  zealous 
advocate  of  her  views",  could  not  contain  the  crowds  that  thronged 
for  admission. 

The  older  ministers  themselves  were  somewhat  divided.  Of 
Mr.  Wilson  and  Mr.  Cotton,  the  two  most  distinguished  and 
influential,  the  former  inveighed  against  the  new  tenets  with  ex 
treme  violence,  while  the  latter  treated  them  with  indulgence, 
and  was  even  regarded  as  one  of  their  votaries.  Mrs.  Hutchin 
son  had  gone  out  to  enjoy  his  ministry,  and  a  close  intimacy 
prevailed  between  them.  Henry  Vane,  too,  a  youth  of  splendid 
talents,  heir  to  a  princely  fortune,  and  son  to  Charles  I.'s  chief 
secretary,  having  embraced  with  zeal  puritan  principles,  utterly 
opposed  to  those  of  his  father,  was  induced  to  prefer  the  so 
ciety  of  Massachusetts  to  that  of  England.  He  took  up  his 
residence  with  Mr.  Cotton.  The  colonists  gave  him  the  most 
ardent  welcome,  exulting  in  the  preference  shown  by  such  a 
man  to  their  rising  settlement ;  while  the  objection  derived  from 
his  youth  was  removed  by  his  gravity  and  deep  theological  learn 
ing.  At  the  next  annual  election  of  governor,  he  was  raised  to 


SIR  HENRY  VANE. 


181 


Sir  Henry  Vane  the  younger. 


that  station,  at  the  early  age  of  twenty-four.  He  was  a  de 
cided  partisan  of  the  movement  or  independent  party,  of  which 
in  England  he  became  the  head,  next  to  Cromwell,  and  with 
much  greater  consistency.  The  rise  of  the  antinomian  tenets 
disturbed  his  government.  Whether  he  actually  embraced  them 
cannot  be  fully  ascertained  ;  but  he  continued  intimate  with 
their  supporters,  and  being  an  advocate  of  religious  freedom, 
effectually  checked  any  measures  for  their  suppression.  The 
old  party,  therefore,  considered  his  removal  essential  to  their 
object,  and  on  the  next  election  brought  forward  Mr.  Winthrop, 
A  struggle  of  extraordinary  violence  took  place ;  and  the  anti- 
nomians,  in  their  effort  to  obtain  "  gospel  magistrates,"  were 
supported  by  a  large  majority  in  Boston.  But  the  country  dis 
tricts  adhered  to  their  old  ministers;  and  they  formed  the 
16 


182 


SETTLEMENT  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 


Governor  \Vinthrop. 


greater  number.  Lest  they  should  be  seduced  or  intimidated 
by  the  citizens,  it  was  carried,  though  not  without  difficulty, 
that  the  election  should  be  made  at  Cambridge.  It  went  de 
cidedly  in  favour  of  Winthrop ;  and  Vane  soon  after  returned 
to  England.  He  was  subsequently  murdered  with  judicial 
forms  by  Charles  II.  after  his  restoration.  "  The  people  of  Eng 
land  were  so  outraged  at  the  injustice  of  Vane's  trial  and  condem 
nation,  as  to  occasion  serious  alarm  to  the  court  party,  who  were 
fain  to  make  their  peace  by  restoring  to  his  family  the  titles 
and  estates,  which  they  have  ever  since  enjoyed.  The  late 
head  of  the  family,  the  Duke  of  Cleveland,  was  true  to  the 
principles  of  his  illustrious  ancestor ;  and  although  elevated  to 
the  rank  of  the  highest  aristocracy,  was  an  earnest  advocate  for 
popular  rights."1* 

*  Pictorial  History  of  the  United  States. 


FIRST  RELIGIOUS  SYNOD.  183 

The  party  again  established  in  power  lost  no  time  in  taking 
measures  to  suppress  the  reigning  schism.  Accordingly,  a  gene 
ral  synod  was  called  to  meet  at  Cambridge.  This  was  a  new 
step,  each  congregation  having  hitherto  acted  almost  as  a 
separate  body  ;  and  it  kindled  an  extraordinary  interest.  By 
way  of  preparation,  "a  solemn  fast  was  appointed,  by  which  it 
was  hoped  men's  minds  might  be  brought  into  a  suitably  calm 
and  deliberate  frame ;  yet  it  only  rendered  them  more  im- 
bittered. 

On  the  30th  of  August,  1637,  the  synod  met,  consisting  of 
the  preachers,  deputies  from  the  congregations,  and  the  magis 
trates  ;  while  the  people,  in  as  great  numbers  as  the  place  could 
contain,  were  admitted  as  hearers.  The  accused  parties  were 
allowed  a  place,  and  the  liberty  of  speech,  which  they  are  said 
to  have  used  beyond  all  proper  limits.  The  debates  were 
stormy,  and  there  are  on  both  sides  allegations,  seemingly  not 
unfounded,  of  clamour  and  violence.  During  three  \veeks,  the 
subject  was  discussed,  but  the  issue  was  a  unanimous  sentence 
of  condemnation. 

Having  achieved  this  public  triumph,  the  members  fondly 
hoped  that  they  had  gained  their  object,  and  that  the  heretical 
party  would  no  longer  rear  its  head  ;  and  hence  they  were  not  a 
little  discomposed  to  find  all  things  proceeding  exactly  as  before. 
Mrs.  Hutchinson's  private  meeting  and  Mr.  Wheelwright's 
chapel  were  frequented  by  equal  crowds,  while  Mr.  Wilson, 
who  once  enjoyed  extreme  popularity,  no  sooner  entered  a  pul 
pit  than  half  the  congregation  rose  and  went  out.  All  legitimate 
means  of  subduing  the  opposite  party  having  thus  proved  vain, 
the  unjust  resolution  was  formed  to  employ  the  civil  arm  in,  its 
suppression.  Proceedings  had  already  been  instituted  against 
Mr.  Wheel \v right,  but  had  been  delayed  till  the  effect  of  the 
synodical  decision  was  tried.  On  its  proving  fruitless,  he  was 
again  called  upon  to  'acknowledge  his  offence,  and  engage  not 
to  repeat  it ;  but  he  refused  to  make  the  slightest  concession, 
maintaining  that  he  had  simply  declared  the  truth,  and  if  there 


184         SETTLEMENT  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 

was  anything  in  it  that  bore  hard  upon  the  ministers,  the  appli 
cation  was  of  their  own  making.  Hereupon  he  was  ordered 
to  depart  from  the  colony  within  a  fortnight.  A  number  of 
persons  were  then  summoned,  who,  on  occasion  of  the  last  pro 
ceedings  against  him,  had  signed  a  remonstrance  declaring  their 
concurrence  with  everything  he  had  said,  and  warning  the 
court  "  to  beware  how  they  meddled  with  the  prophets  of 
God."  Two  of  this  body  were  banished,  two  fined  and  dis 
franchised,  and  several  deprived  of  their  places  under  govern 
ment. 

All  these  were  only  preliminaries  to  the  attack  on  the  main 
hold  of  antinomianism  in  the  person  of  Mrs.  Hutchinson.  Hav 
ing  been  found  guilty  of  heresy,  she  was  ordered  to  leave  the 
colony  within  six  months.  She  retired  with  a  number  of  her 
followers  to  Rhode  Island,  where  Williams  gave  her  a  cordial 
reception.  Her  husband  was  for  some  time  governor  of  that 
colony,  after  whose  death  she  purchased  the  small  island  of 
Aquiday,  where  she  wras  unhappily  surprised,  and  with  her 
whole  family  murdered  by  a  band  of  Indians.  This  event  had 
no  real  connexion  with  her  banishment,  not  happening  till  six 
years  after ;  yet  it  caused  a  strong  sensation,  heightening  the 
sympathies  of  some,  while  by  others  it  was  regarderl  as  a  judg 
ment. 

Some  years  subsequently,  after  a  good  deal  of  negotiation,  an 
important  arrangement  was  made.  A  union  or  rather  con 
federacy  was  formed  by  the  four  colonies  of  Massachusetts, 
New  Plymouth,  New  Haven,  and  Connecticut,  with  the  view 
of  protecting  themselves  against  the  Dutch  and  French  colo 
nists,  and  more  especially  against  the  Indians.  The  executive 
body  consisted  of  two  commissioners  from  each  colony,  whose 
only  qualification  was  church  membership.  They  had  no  right 
to  interfere  in  the  internal  jurisdiction  of  any  of  the  states ; 
they  could  only  provide  for  the  general  defence,  declare  war, 
order  levies  of  troops,  and  conclude  peace.  They  had  even  no 
power  to  enforce  their  decrees  ;  they  could  merely  intimate 


DISSENSIONS  IN  THE  COLONY.  185 

them  to  the  confederated  bodies,  with  whom  it  rested  to  carry 
them  into  execution.  As  the  league  could  consist  only  of 
orthodox  churches,  Rhode  Island,  New  Hampshire,  and  Maine 
were  excluded.  Williams,  considering  his  situation  to  be  there 
by  rendered  precarious,  made  two  visits  to  England,  and, 
through  the  influence  of  Vane,  obtained  a  full  charter  for  his 
little  colony. 

Massachusetts  was  about  this  time  agitated  by  a  contest  be 
tween  the  democratic  party  and  the  magistrates,  who  were 
alleged,  notwithstanding  the  forms  of  election,  to  engross  al 
most  the  whole  administration.  The  former,  who  for  a  time 
gained  a  majority,  exercised  their  power  with  little  discretion. 
Riots  were  excited,  and  an  impeachment  was  advanced  against 
Winthrop  the  governor,  now  become  the  object  of  general 
esteem.  A  reaction  was  thus  produced.  That  gentleman  was 
triumphantly  acquitted,  and  continued  to  be  re-elected  annually 
during  his  life ;  and  though  some  concessions  were  granted  to 
the  radical  party,  the  general  tenor  of  government  went  on 
nearly  as  before. 

In  1643,  the  parliament  appointed  the  Earl  of  Warwick 
governor-in-chief  and  lord-high-admiral  of  the  colonies,  aided 
by  a  council  of  five  peers  and  twelve  commoners. 

The  colony  was  soon  again  involved  in  danger  by  an  event 
which  strikingly  displays  the  character  of  the  times.  One  Gor 
ton,  who  had  arrived  from  England,  caused  such  disturbances 
that  he  was  banished,  and  sought  the  usual  refuge  of  Rhode 
Island,  where  he  developed  his  religious  system,  which  appears 
wild  in  the  extreme.  He  is  said  to  have  held  that  the  great 
characters  of  the  New  Testament  had  reappeared,  and  were 
acting  in  Massachusetts,— the  most  wicked  of  them  being  iden 
tified  with  its  magistrates  and  ministers ;  while  his  .votaries 
viewed  himself  as  an  incarnation  of  the  divine  founder  of 
Christianity.  The  sacraments  and  ordinances  were  scouted  with 
the  most  profane  derision.  Williams  complained  that  "  he  was 
bewitching  and  bemadding  poor  Providence,"  that  "  all  sucked 
16* 


186  SETTLEMENT  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 

in  his  poison."  At  length  a  compromise  was  made,  that  Gor 
ton  should  form  a  separate  settlement  in  a  district  procured  by 
treaty  from  the  Indians.  The  chief  of  that  nation,  however, 
complained  that  it  had  been  a  most  violent  seizure,  his  hand 
having  been  grasped  and  forcibly  applied  to  the  document.  He 
appealed  to  the  magistrates  of  Massachusetts,  who  readily  took 
up  the  complaint.  They  appointed  a  commission  to  mediate  on 
the  occasion,  who  wrote  a  letter  to  Gorton,  asserted  to  have 
been  very  moderate.  He  returned  an  answer  full  of  vitupe 
ration  and  fury,  as  well  as  insolence  towards  the  magistrates. 

The  magistrates  were  not  men  tamely  to  endure  such  con 
tumely,  alleging  that  they  were  entitled  to  deal  with  him  either 
as  a  refractory  subject  or  a  foreign  enemy.  They  sent  the  com 
mission  attended  by  forty  armed  men  to  bring  him  a  prisoner. 
As  they  approached,  Gorton's  confidence  in  supernatural  aid 
began  to  waver,  and  he  proposed  a  reference  to  Williams  ;  but 
this  appeared  a  quarter  not  sufficiently  friendly,  nor  were  they 
now  disposed  to  stop.  He  and  his  adherents  sought  to  defend 
themselves  in  a  large  fortified  house  ;  but  on  the  first  attack  the 
greater  number  fled  ;  the  rest,  himself  included,  were  taken  and 
conveyed  to  Boston.  The  court  proceeded  to  the  violent  step 
of  condemning  him  to  death  ;  but  the  deputies  merely  ordained 
that  he  and  his  followers  should  labour  in  chains  in  different  dis 
tricts.  It  being  found  that  under  this  martyrdom  they  both 
excited  sympathy  and  gained  converts,  they  were  soon  set  at 
liberty,  when  Gorton  repaired  to  England. 

The  rulers  of  New  England  were  thus  for  a  long  period 
exempt  from  any  troubles  except  those  springing  from  the  suc 
cession  of  new  sects,  and  their  own  pertinacious  attempts  to  sup 
press  them.  It  was  no  doubt  a  severe  trial  to  the  ministers, 
who  appear  really  to  have  been,  as  they  describe  themselves, 
"  faithful,  watchful,  and  painful,  serving  their  flocks  daily  with 
prayers  and  tears,  with  their  most  studied  sermons  and  writ 
ings,"  to  see  ignorant,  half-crazed  enthusiasts  enjoy  the  whole 
popular  favour  and  render  their  churches  almost  empty.  The 


RISE  OF  THE  QUAKERS.  187 

next  whom  they  had  to  encounter  were  the  Anabaptists,  a  Ger 
man  sect  who,  after  passing  into  England,  had  crossed  the 
Atlantic.  Obadiah  Holmes  first  formed  a  small  congregation  in 
the  Plymouth  territory,  which  rapidly  spread,  and  seerns  gene 
rally  to  have  absorbed  the  former  classes  of  the  movement.  A 
sister  of  Mrs.  Hutchinson  embraced  it,  and  made  a  convert  of 
Williams,  who,  at  an  advanced  age,  was  baptized  anew.  Its 
rise  at  Boston  was  at  first  obscurely  indicated  by  the  retirement 
of  numbers  from  church  before  the  rite  wras  administered,  who 
repaired  to  private  meetings  and  secret  re-baptism.  The  rulers 
had  recourse  to  fines  and  even  whipping ;  and,  finding  that 
these  were  endured  with  courage  and  constancy,  they  proceeded 
to  inflict  banishment.  The  leaders  having  been  thus  driven 
into  the  general  receptacle  at  Rhode  Island,  the  others  sunk  at 
least  into  a  state  of  silence. 

But  the  tranquillity  thereby  obtained  was  of  short  duration ; 
and  it  was  followed  by  a  schism  which  much  more  strongly 
agitated  the  colony,  and  involved  it  in  deeper  reproach.  There 
had  arisen  a  sect,  who,  from  certain  irregular  bodily  movements, 
received  the  derisive  name  of  Quakers.  They  seem  to  have 
proceeded  to  the  utmost  extremes,  rejecting  all  human  learning 
as  well  as  ordinances,  and  placing  their  whole  dependence  on 
the  direct  agency  of  the  Spirit.  Williams,  as  we  have  seen, 
regarded  this  as  the  only  source  cf  religious  instruction ;  but, 
believing  it  be  withheld,  he  placed  the  world  in  a  state  of  entire 
spiritual  darkness.  This  was  completely  remedied  under  the 
Quaker  system;  in  wrhich  every  word  and  every  action  were 
understood  to  be  guided  by  supernatural  impulses. 

The  New  England  rulers,  having  heard"  of  their  proceedings 
with  horror,  and  knowing  the  inflammable  character  of  their 
own  congregations,  prepared  to  meet  them  with  the  most  rigor 
ous  exclusion,  and  certainly  without  regard  either  to  the  forms 
or  substance  of  law.  In  July,  1656,  when  Mary  Fisher  and 
Anne  Austin  arrived  from  Barbadoes,  an  officer  was  instantly 
sent  on  board,  who  conveyed  them  to  prison,  and  seized  all 


188  SETTLEMENT  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 

their  books  and  papers,  some  of  which  were  burned  by  the  com 
mon  executioner.  They  were  denied  pen,  ink,  paper,  and  can 
dle,  and  a  window  which  opened  to  the  street  was  boarded  up. 
After  some  weeks'  confinement,  the  captain  who  brought  them 
was  obliged  to  take  them  away  at  his  own  expense,  and  give 
bond  in  100/.  to  land  them  in  Europe. 

The  rulers,  having  held  the  two  prophetesses  in  such  rigorous 
seclusion,  hoped  that  all  danger  of  contamination  was  prevented  ; 
but  they  were  soon  somewhat  disconcerted  upon  receiving  a  re 
monstrance,  tenderly  entreating  them  to  beware,  lest  they  should 
be  found  fighting  against  God.  The  writer,  who  proved  an 
old  church  member,  was  immediately  fined  and  banished.  Eng 
land,  however,  sent  out  a  continued  succession,  who  found  in 
Rhode  Island  a  secure  point  upon  which  they  could  retreat,  and 
whence  they  could  advance.  But  the  fine,  the  lash,  imprison 
ment,  and  finally  death,  awaited  many  of  them.  It  ought, 
however,  to  be  kept  in  mind  that  the  magistrates  merely  in 
tended  to  inflict  banishment,  which,  in  their  actual  circum 
stances,  amounted  only  to  exclusion.  The  former  sectaries  had 
submitted  to  this  sentence,  and  the  district  had  been  cleared  of 
them ;  but  not  so  the  Quakers,  who  had  no  sooner  been  thrust 
out  than  they  reappeared,  proclaiming  their  doctrines  with  the 
same  loud  and  enthusiastic  zeal.  The  extreme  punishments, 
therefore,  were  inflicted,  not  on  account  of  their  opinions,  but  for 
returning  from  banishment.  A  few  were  executed  for  thus  re 
turning. 

These  proceedings  raised  a  general  clamour,  and  many 
persons  transmitted  to  England  representations  against  them. 
Charles  II.,  who  did  not  want  humanity,  wrote  to  Endicott, 
the  governor,  ordering  that  all  capital  punishments  on  this  ground 
should  be  stopped,  and  the  accused  sent  home  to  be  tried.  The 
colonists,  though  not  recognising  the  king's  power  to  issue  such 
mandates,  did  not  choose  to  disobey.  They  contrived,  howrever, 
to  inflict  minor  penalties  and  indignities,  throwing  the  enthusi 
asts  into  prison,  and  whipping  them  out  of  the  district.  A 


DECLINE  OF  FANATICISM.  189 

fresh  appeal  made  to  Charles  upon  these  subjects  did  not  meet 
with  any  regard ;  but  the  representations  of  eminent  ministers 
of  their  own  persuasion,  as  well  as  the  death  of  Wilson  and 
Endicott,  who  were  succeeded  by  men  breathing  a  more  rea 
sonable  spirit,  gradually  induced  a  corresponding  treatment. 
Quakerism,  as  already  hinted,  may  be  considered  the  extreme 
limit  of  the  ultra-protestant  movement.  No  other  sect  passed 
beyond  it ;  on  the  contrary,  the  spirit  of  the  age  gradually 
turned  itself  to  the  exercise  of  reason,  and  the  employment  of 
learning  upon  religious  subjects,  even  to  the  verge  of  indiffer 
ence.  The  Quakers  and  Baptists  themselves  assumed  a  more 
sober  character,  renounced  their  extravagant  pretensions,  and, 
retaining  a  tempered  zeal,  became  useful  citizens  and  active 
philanthropists. 

The  people  of  Massachusetts  had  now  a  hard  contest  to 
maintain  for  their  political  existence.  Having  been  forgotten 
during  the  civil  wars,  having  evaded  the  claims  of  supremacy 
made  by  the  Long  Parliament,  having  received  favour  from 
Cromwell,  they  had  acted  almost  completely  as  an  independent 
republic.  They  were  exceedingly  anxious  to  continue  so,  and 
hence  by  no  means  shared  the  national  joy  at  the  Restoration. 
All  their  sympathies  were  on  the  other  side.  Whalley  and 
Goffe,  obliged  to  flee  from  England  as  accessary  to  the  death 
of  Charles  I.,  were  kindly  received  ;  and  even  after  it  was  no 
longer  possible  to  shelter  them,  their  escape  into  the  back  settle 
ments  was  favoured.  The  unwelcome  intelligence  was  met,  as 
long  as  possible,  with  an  obstinate  incredulity.  When,  at 
length,  doubt  could  be  no  longer  pretended,  they  drew^  up  an 
address  to  the  king;  which  was  graciously  received.  Yet 
Leverett,  their  agent,  warned  them,  that  they  were  in  very  bad 
odour  with  those  royalist  statesmen  in  whom  the  whole  power 
was  now  vested,  and  that  serious  innovations  might  be  dreaded. 
To  avert  these  evils,  they  sent  over  Bradstreet  (afterwards 
governor)  and  Norton,  now  the  most  eminent  of  the  ministers. 
The  envoys  were  received  courteously,  and  on  their  departure 


190         SETTLEMENT  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 

obtained  an  answer,  by  which  the  king  confirmed  their  charter, 
and  granted  pardon  for  political  offences  to  all  who  wrere  not 
actually  attainted.  He  demanded,  in  return,  the  repeal  of  all 
laws  derogatory  to  his  prerogative;  in  particular,  that  worship 
should  be  allowed  according  to  the  use  of  the  Church  of  Eng 
land,  and  that  freeholders  otherwise  qualified  should  not  be  ex 
cluded  for  their  religious  opinions.  These  demands",  though 
moderate,  and  in  some  respects  laudable,  were  extremely  unwel 
come,  especially  the  last  of  them.  Above  all,  they  involved 
that  right  of  internal  interference  which  they  were  most  anxious 
to  resist ;  but  they  had  still  the  consolation  that  the  executive 
being  in  their  hands,  they  could  proceed  at  leisure.  The  king- 
was  proclaimed  in  full  pomp ;  his  name  was  inserted  in  the 
writs;  other  things  for  the  present  remained  as  before. 

The  court  and  ministry  of  England,  with  Clarendon  at  their 
head,  were  disposed  to  treat  the  colony  well,  but  by  no  means 
to  exepipt  them  from  the  obligations  of  subjects.  Complaints, 
meanwhile,  poured  in  from  Episcopalians,  Quakers,  and  Ana 
baptists,  as  also  from  Gorges  and  Mason,  respecting  NewT 
Hampshire. 

Commissioners,  therefore,  being  sent  out  to  direct  an  expedi 
tion  against  New  York,  were  instructed  also  to  hear  and  deter 
mine  complaints  in  causes  military,  civil,  and  criminal,  within 
New7  England,  and  to  proceed  in  all  things  for  settling  the  peace 
of  the  country.  This  intelligence  was  received  nearly  as  if  it 
had  been  that  of  a  foreign  invasion.  A  fast  was  proclaimed ; 
the  patent  was  placed  in  trusty  hands :  and  every  possible 
precaution  was  taken  to  prevent  troor.s  from  landing.  When 
the  expedition  arrived,  the  general  court  was  not  sitting,  on 
which  ground  the  council  evaded  giving  any  immediate  answer ; 
and  as  the  squadron  soon  sailed  for  New  York,  a  respite  was  ob 
tained. 

That  assembly  being  called  without  delay,  took  into  serious 
consideration  the  present  state  of  affairs.  Soon  after  the  resto 
ration  they  had  prepared  a  declaration,  claiming  under  the  char- 


OPPOSITION  TO  THE  CROWN.  191 

ter  the  appointment  of  the  governor  and  subordinate  officers, 
and  indeed  the  whole  executive  and  legislative  powers.  Their 
allegiance  was  said  to  consist  in  upholding  that  colony  as  of 
right  belonging  to  his  majesty,  and  in  "  preserving  his  person 
and  dominions,"  They  now  determined  "  to  bear  true  allegi 
ance  to  his  majesty,  and  to  adhere  to  a  patent  so  dearly  obtained, 
and  so  long  enjoyed  by  undoubted  right."  Ready,  however,  to 
testify  their  loyalty  in  any  righteous  way,  they  made  active 
preparations  to  levy  two  hundred  men,  for  the  New  York  expe 
dition,  though,  from  its  speedy  success,  their  services  were  not 
wanted.  The  court,  nevertheless,  drew  up  a  petition  to  the 
king,  claiming  the  right  of  self-government  as  a  royal  donation 
under  the  great  seal,  "  the  greatest  security  that  may  be  had  in 
human  affairs."  They  represented  the  commission  as  involving 
a  demand  "  to  yield  up  our  liberties,  which  are  far  dearer  to  us 
than  our  lives."  They  concluded  :  "  Let  our  government  live, 
our  patent  live,  our  magistrates  live,  our  laws  and  liberties  live, 
our  religious  enjoyments  live,  so  shall  we  all  yet  have  farther 
cause  to  say  from  our  hearts,  Let  the  king  live  for  ever."  They 
endeavoured  also  to  interest  powerful  individuals  in  England  ; 
but  their  best  friends  there  seem  to  have  been  unprepared  for  so 
lofty  a  flight.  Clarendon  wrote,  expressing  \\onder  that  they 
should  thus  violently  complain  of  commissioners  without  having 
a  single  act  to  charge  against  them.  Secretary  Morricc,  in  the 
king's  name,  disclaimed  any  intention  of  interfering  with  their 
charter,  but  justified  the  commission  as,  the  only  mode  of  exa 
mining  into  the  numerous  complaints. 

Still  the  colonial  court,  resolved  not  to  yield,  deterred  the  in 
habitants  by  every  possible  means  from  any  appeal  to  the  com 
missioners.  The  latter,  having  soon  succeeded  in  their  first  ob 
ject  at  New  York,  proceeded  to  the  more  difficult  task  in  Mas 
sachusetts.  They  began  by  demanding  that  the  people  of  Eos- 
ton  should  be  assembled  to  hear  the  royal  commission  read  ;  a 
motion  which  was  entirely  overruled  by  the  local  authorities. 
These  last  made  a  courteous  statement,  showing  instances  in 


192         SETTLEMENT  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 

which  they  had  complied  with  the  king's  letter  of  1662,  and 
others  in  which  they  were  willing  to  do  so.  The  commissioners 
expressed  their  hope  that  these  professions  would  now  be  borne 
out  by  "  practical  assertions  of  duty  ;"  but  whenever  they  at 
tempted  to  exercise  any  of  their  functions,  the  strongest  objec 
tions  were  started,  till  at  length  the  general  court  was  called  upon 
directly  to  say  whether  or  not  they  acknowledged  the  royal  com 
mission.  This  question  was  evaded,  with  such  a  reference  to 
their  charter  as  evidently  showed  how  they  really  felt.  The 
others  then  determined  to  bring  matters  to  the  test,  by  fixing  a 
day  to  hear  a  complaint  made  to  them  against  the  colony.  At 
this  crisis  the  court  took  a  very  daring  step.  On  the  appointed 
morning,  a  herald  by  sound  of  a  trumpet  proclaimed  that  no  one 
at  his  peril  should  pay  any  regard  to  a  summons  pronounced  to  be 
unlawful.  Upon  this  the  envoys  declared,  that  they  had  nothing 
more  to  do  with  men  who,  having  openly  defied  the  king's  au 
thority,  could  expect  only  the  punishment  of  rebels. 

It  might  have  been  apprehended  that  Charles  would  take 
some  strong  step  to  vindicate  his  power,  thus  daringly  opposed. 
Yet,  whether  from  good-nature  or  reluctance  to  a  contest  with 
men  who  showed  such  strong  determination,  he  recalled  the 
commissioners,  and  merely  required  the  colony  to  send  deputies 
to  defend  their  cause  in  Britain.  After  full  deliberation,  they 
thought  it  wisest  to  make  the  best  excuses  they  could  for  non- 
compliance.  They  gave,  however,  all  possible  aid  in  the  con 
test  with  France,  sending  a  supply  of  masts  for  the  royal  navy, 
and  of  provisions  for  the  West  Indies.  His  majesty,  distracted 
by  foreign  wars,  internal  factions,  and  his  voluptuous  pursuits, 
felt  little  inclined  to  enter  into  a  struggle  with  the  hardy  sons 
of  Massachusetts  ;  and  during  the  greater  part  of  his  reign 
they  remained  unmolested.  They  contrived  even  to  evade  the 
severe  navigation  law  of  1663,  by  which  all  the  important 
branches  of  colonial  commerce  were  required  to  pass  through 
the  mother  country.  They  did  not  indeed  openly  repel  the  act, 
but  having  its  execution  in  their  own  hands,  they  enforced  it  in 


THE  CHARTER  CANCELLED.  193 

such  a  manner  as  best  suited  their  interests.  The  harbour  of 
Boston  was  crowded  with  vessels  from  almost  every  part  of 
Europe  and  America ;  and  the  colony  now  enjoyed  a  rapid 
career  of  prosperity. 

The  English  cabinet,  however,  looked  on  them  with  an  evil 
eye,  and  after  Charles  had  formed  a  close  alliance  with  France, 
crushed  popular  factions,  and  filled  his  councils  with  staunch 
adherents  of  absolute  power,  a  decisive  change  of  measures  was 
contemplated.  The  long-contested  claims  of  Mason  to  New 
Hampshire  and  of  Gorges  to  Maine,  were  brought  before  the 
judges  and  decided  against  Massachusetts.  They  contrived  in 
deed,  for  1250/.,  to  purchase  Maine  from  the  representatives 
of  Gorges ;  but  the  other  country  \vas  finally  severed  from 
their  jurisdiction.  In  1684,  a  quo  warranlo  was  issued  against 
Massachusetts,  and  sentence  given  against  the  colonists,  can 
celling  their  charter. 

The  colony  do  not  seem  to  have  contemplated  any  resistance, 
but  awaited  in  gloomy  silence  the  absolute  governor  who  was 
to  be  imposed  upon  them.  They  were  struck  with  horror  by 
the  announcement  of  Kirke,  afterwards  noted  for  his  bloody 
career  in  the  Monmouth  rebellion.  They  were  delivered  from 
him,  and  had  a  short  breathing-time  in  consequence  of  the  death 
of  Charles  II.  Amid  the  occupations  of  a  new  reign,  no  step 
was  taken  till  1686,  when  the  government  was  conferred  on 
Dudley.  He  arrived  in  May,  the  general  court  wras  imme 
diately  dissolved,  and  the  administration  vested  in  him  as  pre 
sident,  and  a  council  named  ly  the  crown.  His  rule  was  mild, 
and  affairs,  on  the  whole,  went  on  nearly  as  before.  James, 
however,  learned  that  there  was  still  too  much  of  the  old  leaven, 
and  formed  the  design  of  uniting  all  the  colonies  under  one 
government.  Sir  Edmund  Andros  arrived  in  December,  1686, 
with  two  companies  of  troops,  instructed  to  put  an  end  to  all 
popular  power,  but  otherwise  to  rule  with  equity.  The  whole 
aspect  of  the  colony  \vas  then  changed.  Instead  of  the  sober 
and  pious  manners  observed  by  the  rulers,  a  gay,  licentious,  and 
17 


194         SETTLEMENT  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 

profane  conduct  became  at  least  no  bar  to  the  highest  offices. 
An  Episcopal  chapel  was  opened,  and  attended  by  the  governor 
and  his  officers  ;  assessments  were  no  longer  allowed  for  churches 
or  schools.  Toleration,  extended  to  all  sects,  was  an  important 
improvement ;  yet  such  was  the  hostility  shown  to  the  reigning 
one,  that  an  alarm  arose  lest  it  should  be  excluded.  The 
taxes  being  found  insufficient  for  the  increased  expenditure, 
James  gave  orders  that  they  should  be  raised  to  its  level, 
But  this  "  ill  mode  of  raising  money  without  assembly"  excited 
a  passive  resistance,  met  by  confiscations  and  fines,  which,  as 
they  enriched  the  hungry  adherents  of  the  government,  soon 
became  the  favourite  penalty.  In  vain  they  appealed  to  Eng 
lish  laws ;  they  were  told  not  to  expect  these  to  follow  them  to 
the  end  of  the  world  ;  when  they  spoke  of  their  township  rights, 
they  were  reminded  that  there  was  no  such  thing  as  a  town, 
and  that  all  their  local  jurisdictions  were  swept  away.  Soon 
the  enormous  pretension  was  advanced  that  the  lands,  having 
all  been  granted  under  the  patent,  were  forfeited  along  with  it, 
and  reverted  to  the  king.  This  went  to  "  make  all  men's  titles 
null  and  void,"  and  in  fact  to  place  nearly  the  whole  colonial 
property  under  confiscation.  The  settlers  being  called  on  for 
their  titles,  stated  first  the  original  charter  to  Adam  and  Noah, 
supported  by  actual  possession  ;  this  was  derided.  They  then 
produced  deeds  of  purchase  from  the  Indians,  to  which  the 
marks  of  chiefs  were  affixed.  They  were  desired  not  to  men 
tion  these  brutes;  they  might  as  well  show  "  the  scratches  of  a 
bear's  paw."  They  then  urged,  with  much  reason,  the  heavy  ex 
pense  and  labour  by  which  they  had  "  conquered  the  wilderness," 
and  given  to  it  almost  its  whole  value,  and  the  hardship  that  a 
body  of  strangers  should  come  and  inherit  everything.  A  large 
tract  which  the  town  of  Lynn  had  purchased  from  the  Indians 
and  enclosed  as  a  common,  was  solicited  by  Randolph,  and  all 
their  pleas  treated  with  contempt.  A  plot  of  ground,  purchased 
at  Boston,  being  similarly  grasped  at,  the  proprietors,  in  at 
tempting  to  resist,  were  asked  if  they,  would  "  stand  suit  with 


THE  CHARTER  REVIVED.  195 

the  king,"  being  warned  "  they  might  thus  lose  all  they  had 
and  something  else  too."  We  suspect  there  was  more  of  bluster 
than  of  actual  spoliation ;  for  in  none  of  the  cases  is  it  stated 
that  Andros  proceeded  to  the  extremity  of  seizing  property. 
Money  being  the  object,  it  was  intimated  that  new  patents 
would  be  granted  on  paying  the  fees,  which  however  amounted 
to  about  a  fourth  of  the  value.  Some  were  intimidated  into 
this  step  ;  but  it  was  reckoned  that  there  were  not  funds  in  the 
colony  to  have  thus  repurchased  the  whole.  In  this  extremity, 
Increase  Mather,  escaping  by  night  and  in  disguise,  reached 
England,  and  laid  the  grievances  of  the  colony  before  James. 
All  petitions  for  a  representative  government  were  peremptorily 
rejected  ;  but  there  appears  a  minute  of  council,  that  the  colo 
nists  should  hold  their  lands  according  to  their  ancient  records. 
But  James  was  now  on  the  eve  of  his  fate.  Having  disgusted 
all  parties  by  his  rash  and  tyrannical  conduct,  he  could  not 
withstand  the  invasion  of  William,  and  wras  obliged  to  abdicate 
the  throne,  and  leave  room  for  the  revolution  which  has  secured 
British  liberty.  As  soon  as  this  intelligence  reached  Massachu 
setts,  the  people  rose  in  arms  with  the  most  unanimous  resolu 
tion  that  ever  inspired  a  people.  Sir  Edmund  Andros  ard  his 
adherents  wrere  imprisoned  ;  the  charter  was  again  put  in  force  ; 
a  governor,  assistant,  and  deputies  were  elected.  On  receiving 
a  letter  from  William,  desiring  them  to  continue  the  govern 
ment  in  his  name,  till  he  should  send  more  particular  direction, 
the  two  sovereigns  were  proclaimed  at  Boston  on  the  29th  of 
May,  1689. 

The  king,  whose  liberality  was  rather  of  position  than  of 
character,  by  no  means  fully  answered  their  expectations. 
Treby  and  Sommers,  the  great  Whig  lawyers,  reported  that  the 
decision  against  the  charter  had  been  valid;  and  hence  the  con 
duct  of  Andros  and  his  officers  legal.  William  was  so  far  from 
punishing  that  governor,  that  he  received  him  into  favour,  and 
appointed  him  to  Virginia.  It  was  even  understood  that  he 
suspected  the  loyalty  of  Massachusetts  ;  and  doubts  were  spread 


196  SETTLEMENT  OF  NEW  ENGLAND, 

whether  he  would  renew  the  charter  at  all.  It  required,  in 
fact,  three  years'  solicitation  by  the  agents  and  friends  of  the 
colony,  generously  aided  by  the  queen,  before  they  could  obtain 
one,  which,  in  point  of  fact,  materially  abridged  their  former 
independence.  The  king  assumed  the  nomination  of  the  gover 
nor,  the  judges,  and  the  military  officers,  as  well  as  a  veto  with 
in  three  years  on  their  acts,  and  a  negative  on  the  council  named 
by  them.  Though  by  no  means  fully  satisfied,  they  thought  it 
best,  under  all  the  circumstances  of  the  case,  to  make  no  com 
plaint.  In  truth,  they  had  obtained  privileges  still  more  ample 
than  those  of  any  other  British  subjects. 

Having  brought  the  affairs  of  the  colonists  to  this  satisfactory 
point,  we  must  look  back  to  some  transactions  which  have  been 
reserved  for  the  purpose  of  giving  a  connected  narrative ;  the 
most  important  being  their  relations  with  the  Indian  tribes. 
These  were  riot  so  satisfactory  as  the  character  of  the  settlers 
might  have  led  us  to  hope,  especially  as  compared  with  the 
Quakers  in  Pennsylvania. 

Almost  from  the  first  ^establishment  of  Connecticut,  mutual 
wrongs  had  created  an  animosity  between  the  settlers  and  the 
Pequods,  the  most  powerful  of  all  the  tribes,  who  sought,  by 
an  alliance  with  their  enemies,  the  Narragansetts,  to  form  a 
general  league  against  them.  This  scheme  had  nearly  suc 
ceeded,  when  it  was  frustrated  by  the  generous  exertions  of 
Williams.  The  English  at  first  were  taken  by  surprise,  had 
several  small  detachments  cut  off,  and  were  so  closely  hemmed 
in,  that  they  could  not  go  to  their  work  or  even  to  church  with 
out  a  strong  escort.  Captains  Mason  and  Underbill,  however, 
having  come  up  with  seventy  men,  determined  to  attack  theii 
main  fort,  surrounded  by  a  palisade  of  strong  trees,  but  so 
loosely  put  together  that  musketry  could  penetrate  it.  The 
assailants  having  forced  an  entrance,  set  fire  to  the  camp,  which 
was  soon  reduced  to  ashes,  and  above  three  hundred  Indians, 
men,  women,  and  children,  perished  in  the  ruins.  The  English, 
whose  loss  was  trifling,  pursued  the  remnant  of  the  tribe  from 


DESTRUCTION  OF  THE  PEQUODS. 


197 


Destruction  of  the  Pequods. 


place  to  place,  till  the  whole  were  either  killed  or  taken  pri 
soners.  Forty  who  had  sought  refuge  among  the  Mohawks, 
were  given  up  by  these  savages,  and  the  few  others  who  re 
mained  alive  surrendered  in  despair. 

After  the  terror  inspired  by  this  dreadful  overthrow,  tranquil 
lity  continued  nearly  forty  years.  The  Massachusetts  govern 
ment  maintained  friendly  relations  with  the  Indians,  allowing 
them,  even  when  unconverted,  to  settle  within  its  jurisdiction. 
A  number  of  them,  as  will  be  afterwards  observed,  were  con 
verted  to  Christianity.  A  disposition  arose  to  imitate  the 
English,  and  even  to  assume  their  names ;  those  of  Philip, 
Stonewall  John,  and  Sagamore  Sam,  were  borne  by  powerful 
chiefs. 

As  the  colonists  multiplied,  and  the  circle  of  settlement  ex- 
17* 


198  SETTLEMENT  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 

tended,  the  natives  could  not  but  feel  for  how  paltry  a  price 
they  had  sold  their  once  spacious  birthright.  The  enlarged 
frontier  afforded  new  occasions  of  dispute  :  and  the  Indians,  when 
wronged,  instead  of  appealing  to  the  general  court,  took  ven 
geance  with  their  own  hands.  A  member  of  one  of  the  tribes, 
having  given  information  against  certain  of  his  countrymen,  fell 
a  victim  to  their  resentment ;  but  the  murderers  were  condemned 
to  death  by  a  jury, of  whom  half  were  Indians.  In  revenge,  a 
small  party  of  English  were  surprised  and  slain  ;  and  immediately 
war  broke  out  along  the  whole  border. 

The  Indians  were  now  much  more  formidable  than  in  the  first 
contest.  During  the  long  interval  they  had  eagerly  sought 
to  procure  the  superior  arms  wielded  by  Europeans  ;  and  com 
mercial  avidity  had  supplied  them.  They  had  attained  no  dis 
cipline,  and  could  not  contend  in  the  open  field  ;  but  the  Eng 
lish  soon  learned  to  dread  an  enemy  whose  habitations,  says 
Mather,  "  were  the  dark  places  of  the  earth ;"  who,  at  mo 
ments  the  most  unexpected,  rushing  from  the  depth  of  forests, 
surrounded  and  overwhelmed  them.  The  war  began  with  the 
burning  of  frontier  villages,  and  the  slaughter  of  detached  par 
ties.  Beers,  one  of  the  bravest  captains,  was  surprised  and 
killed,  with  twenty  of  his  followers.  Then  came  a  more  "  black 
and  fatal  day."  Lothrop  commanded  with  reputation  a  body 
of  fine  young  men,  the  flower  of  the  county  of  Essex,  who, 
having  piled  their  arms  on  wagons,  were  securely  reposing  and 
plucking  grapes  when  the  alarm  was  given.  After  a  desperate 
resistance,  they  were  cut  off,  only  a  mere  handful  escaping. 
This  was  followed  by  the  "  Springfield  misery."  That  village, 
the  most  important  on  the  boundary,  was  broken  into,  and  every 
building  reduced  to  ashes,  except  a  large  one,  which,  being 
slightly  fortified,  supplied  a  refuge  to  the  inhabitants.  Others 
soon  shared  the  same  fate,  in  circumstances  still  more  tragical. 
After  killing  the  men,  they  carried  away  the  women  and 
children  ;  and,  though  the  honour  of  the  former  was  not  threat 
ened,  they  were  treated  with  dreadful  cruelty.  For  example, 


DESTRUCTION  OF  THE  NARRAGANSETTS.  199 

they  were  compelled  to  follow  rapid  marches,  which  at  this 
time  were  frequent,  and  when  found  unequal  to  the  effort,  were 
killed  at  once  by  blows  on  the  head. 

In  the  rnidst  of  winter,  one  thousand  men  marched  against  the 
main  hold  of  the  Narragansetts.  They  rushed  to  the  onset ;  and 
after  a  dreadful  conflict  it  was  carried,  and  reduced  to  ashes, — 
the  Indians  perishing  in  vast  numbers.  But  the  colonists,  ap 
palled  by  their  own  loss  of  three  hundred  killed  and  wounded, 
including  their  six  bravest  leaders,  retreated  in  grea't  confusion : 
the  enemy,  however,  were  overwhelmed  by  their  disaster,  which 
they  never  fully  recovered.  In  spring,  indeed,  they  resumed 
their  wronted  warfare,  but  with  diminished  means  and  spirit; 
and  in  May,  another  of  their  principal  settlements  was  de 
stroyed.  Driven  from  their  cultivated  spots,  and  finding  shelter 
only  in  woods  and  marshes,  they  suffered  increasing  hardships 
and  privations.  Discontent  and  disunion  wrere  the  consequence ; 
several  of  the  tribes  began  to  make  their  submission,  when  par 
don  was  granted.  Two  hundred  laid  down  their  arms  at  Ply 
mouth  ;  and  Sagamore  John  came  in  with  one  hundred  and 
eighty,  bringing  also  Matoonas,  accused  as  the  author  of  this 
dreadful  wrar.  In  the  course  of  it,  had  been  formed  skilful 
officers,  particularly  Captain  Church,  who  displayed  singular 
talents  in  this  desultory  contest.  In  August,  he  came  up  with 
Philip  himself,  who  wras  completely  routed,  and  fled  almost 
alone.  Hunted  from  place  to  place,  he  wras  traced  to  the  centre 
of  a  morass,  where  he  was  betrayed  and  shot  by  one  of  his  own 
people.  The  spirit  of  the  Indians  then  entirely  sunk ;  and  all 
who  survived  either  emigrated  to  a  distance,  or  submitted  with 
out  reserve  to  the  English  power. 

There  was,  however,  a  wider  and  ruder  frontier,  behind  New 
Hampshire  and  Maine,  where  the  settlers  carrier!  on  a  fur-trade 
with  the  natives,  who  complained  of  fraud  and  other  wrongs, 
which  do  not  appear  imaginary.  Though  thereby  impelled  to 
deeds  of  violence,  they  waged  no  general  war,  till  roused  by 
the  example  of  Massachusetts,  when  the  flame  spread  along  a 


200         SETTLEMENT  OF  NEW  ENGLAND, 

line  of  three  hundred  miles.  The  colonists,  located  in  a  num 
ber  of  small  detached  stations,  suffered  severely,  and  though 
they  gained  important  advantages,  were  glad,  through  Mugg,  a 
ferocious  leader,  to  conclude  a  treaty  granting  to  them  payment 
of  rent,  or  rather  of  tribute.  A  long  peace  followed,  during 
which  those  plantations  continued  greatly  to  prosper ;  but  in 
1687,  the  Indians,  instigated  by  the  French,  recommenced  hostili 
ties  still  more  violently  than  ever.  Andros,  who  endeavoured  to 
conciliate  this  fierce  race,  treating  the  prisoners  kindly  and  dis 
missing  them  without  ransom,  was  censured  by  the  colonists, 
who  accused  him,  seemingly  without  any  reason,  of  supplying 
them  with  arms.  Failing  in  his  pacific  views,  he  took  the  field 
in  the  depth  of  winter,  but,  unable  to  find  the  enemy,  merely 
erected  twTo  forts  to  cover  the  frontier.  The  war,  however, 
continued  to  rage  ten  years,  and  the  natives,  being  aided  and  in 
some  degree  disciplined  by  the  French,  gained  many  advantages. 
The  bravest  action  was  at  Wells,  where  Captain  Conyers,  with 
fifteen  men,  repulsed  with  great  slaughter  an  attack  made  by- 
five  hundred  Indians .  Sir  William  Phipps  erected  in  the  heart 
of  their  country  the  strong  fort  of  Penmaquid  ;  and  some  other 
triumphs  being  gained  over  them,  led  to  a  peace  in  1693,  on 
satisfactory  terms. 

Our  attention  is  now  drawn  to  a  more  pleasing  subject.  The 
European  nations  in  general  had  professed  a  zeal  to  communi 
cate  the  light  of  the  gospel  to  the  darkened  minds  of  the  na 
tives.  The  Roman  Catholics  certainly  made  considerable  exer 
tions,  with  at  least  an  appearance  of  success;  but  they  were 
too  easily  satisfied  with  a  mere  profession  and  the  rite  of  bap 
tism.  The  New  England  ministers  applied  to  this  task  with  a 
deep  sense  of  its  importance,  and  a  desire  to  produce  an  effec 
tive  change.  In  1646,  the  general  court  passed  an  act  recom 
mending  missionary  labours,  which  was  zealously  responded  to 
by  Mr.  Elliot,  who  justly  obtained  the  title  of  the  Indian 
apostle,  as  well  as  by  Mr.  Mayhew,  and  other  zealous  in 
dividuals.  A  serious  difficulty  was  found  in  the  language, 


CHRISTIANITY  AMONG  THE  INDIANS.  201 


Elliot  preaching  to  the  Indians. 


which  was  full  of  uncouth  sounds,  and  words  of  such  an  enor 
mous  length,  that,  according  to  Mather,  they  appeared  to  have 
been  growing  ever  since  Babel,  and  sometimes  required  from 
twenty  to  thirty  of  our  letters  to  express  them.  This  obstacle  was 
overcome ;  and  the  natives  were  found  to  listen  with  interest 
to  sermons,  which,  being  judiciously  made  short,  were  followed 
by  the  much-prized  privilege  of  asking  questions.  Some  indeed 
of  those  put  were  irrelevant,  and  even  puzzling, — as,  \vhy  the 
English  should  know  so  much  more  of  divine  things  than  them 
selves  ;  how  their  God  should  understand  prayers  in  the  Indian 
language  ;  why  river  water  was  fresh  and  that  of  the  sea  salt ; 
and  why  the  ocean  did  not  rise  and  overflow  the  earth.  An 
swers  were  returned  carefully  adapted  to  their  conceptions ;  and 
a  considerable  body  of  converts  was  gradually  formed.  They 
were  collected  by  their  affectionate  pastors  into  little  townshius, 


202        SETTLEMENT  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 

where  being  taught  to  build  more  commodious  houses,  and  prac 
tise  some  useful  arts,  they  were  soon  better  lodged  and  accom 
modated  than  their  most  powerful  sachems.  They  were  per 
suaded  to  enact  penalties,  not  only  against  violence  and  heinous 
sins,  but  against  their  usual  rude  and  uncouth  habits.  Fines 
were  imposed  for  killing  noisome  insects  between  the  teeth,  for 
besmearing  the  body  with  grease,  and  for  indulging  in  their 
usual  wild  and  frightful  bowlings.  Women  were  no  longer  to 
go  about  with  their  hair  hanging  loose,  and  bosom  uncovered, 
while  in  return  they  were  protected  from  the  tyrannical  treat 
ment  too  often  inflicted  on  them ;  every  man  who  beat  his  wife 
had  his  hands  tied  behind  his  back,  and  suffered  an  arbitrary 
punishment.  In  1674,  it  was  found  that  fourteen  villages  had 
been  thus  formed,  estimated  to  contain  about  eleven  hundred 
converts.  These  indeed  were  chiefly  confined  to  districts  in  the 
vicinity  of  Boston. 

The  missionaries  were  not  long  in  perceiving  that  powerful 
obstacles  opposed  their  progress,  rendering  it  difficult  even  to 
preserve  the  ground  they  had  gained.  The  natives  were  under 
the  spiritual  sway  of  certain  personages  named  powaws,  who  not 
only  instilled  rude  religious  notions,  but  cured  their  diseases, 
taught  them  the  lucky  modes  and  times  of  doing  things,  and  were 
their  resource  in  every  emergency.  By  these  august  personages 
the  most  dire  anathema  wras  pronounced  on  those  who  obeyed 
the  priests  and  gods  of  a  foreign  people.  Not  only  would  all 
their  service  and  aid  be  withheld,  but  sickness,  suffering,  and 
even  death  might  be  dreaded  from  their  magical  influence.  It  is 
true,  the  cures  effected  by  the  English  after  the  powaws  had 
howled,  leaped,  danced,  and  blown  upon  the  patients  in  vain, 
lowered  materially  the  power  of  their  savage  divinities.  Still,  they 
did  not  doubt  of  their  existence,  and  were  scarcely  undeceived 
by  their  new  teachers,  who  themselves  believed  that  the  native 
priests  derived  from  an  unhallowed  source  some  supernatural 
powers.  It  was  considered,  therefore,  unhandsome  and  un-In- 
dian  to  change  the  gods  of  their  fathers,  even  for  a  mightier 


STATE  OF  RELIGION.  203 

deity.  They  incurred  all  the  penalties  of  loss  of  caste;  being 
thrown  out  from  among  their  countrymen  and  associates,  their 
lives  threatened, and  sometimes  even  forfeited.  The  sachems,  who 
possessed  no  small  influence,  considered  their  authority  as  identi 
fied  with  that  of  the  powaws,  and  viewed  the  change  in  worship 
and  manners  as  a  species  of  rebellion.  The  ministers  too,  in 
avoiding  the  lax  modes  of  Romish  conversion,  went  perhaps  to 
the  opposite  extreme,  admitting  to  communion  those  only  who 
were  judged  fully  to  understand  and  be  under  the  influence  of 
true  religion  ;  so  that  of  the  whole  number  of  professing  Indians, 
not  one  hundred  enjoyed  full  church  privileges.  It  being  difficult 
to  procure  qualified  preachers  among  the  settlers,  the  great  object 
was  to  form  an  Indian  ministry,  with  which  view  Dartmouth 
college,  on  a  small  scale,  was  founded.  The  savage  pupils  ap 
plied  themselves  at  first  with  zeal  and  success;  indeed,  Hiac- 
comes,  a  young  native  chief,  had  made  himself  eminent  as  a 
teacher,  and  procured  many  converts.  A  great  proportion,  how 
ever,  soon  tired,  and  being  attracted  by  their  friends  and  their 
old  roving  habits,  betook  themselves  again  to  the  woods.  Even 
these  limited  prospects  were  much  darkened  by  the  long  war, 
which,  as  already  observed,  was  to  a  great  extent,  an  anti-chris- 
tian  conflict;  the  chiefs,  and  particularly  Phillip,  being  imbued 
with  the  most  imbittered  enmity  against  the  European  religion. 
They  viewed  with  peculiar  enmity  their  converted  countrymen, 
and  eagerly  strove  to  root  out  their  settlements.  So  fatal  was 
the  consequence,  that  in  168-4,  the  number  of  churches  was  re- 
•duced  to  four  ;  yet  so  active  was  the  zeal  of  Elliot,  then  upwards 
of  eighty,  that  in  three  years  they  were  ns  numerous  as  ever. 

When  Massachusetts  had  overcome  some  of  its  greatest  evils, 
and  seemed  approaching  to  a  tranquil  state,  she  was  again  dis 
turbed  by  the  belief  in,  and  the  persecution  of,  witches.  Eefore 
this  unhappy  delusion  wras  cleared  away,  nineteen  persons  suf 
fered  death ;  eight  more  were  under  sentence  ;  and  one  hundred 
and  fifty  were  in  prison.  At  this  period  the  eyes  of  the  people 
were  opened,  and  they  saw  their  delusion. 


204  SETTLEMENT  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 

Massachusetts,  from  this  time  to  the  peace  of  1763,  enjoyed, 
like  the  other  colonies,  a  course  of  prosperity,  chequered  only 
by  some  internal  agitations.  She  took  a  very  active  part  in 
the  military  operations  of  successive  wars  \vaged  against  the 
French  colonies  and  their  Indian  allies.  As  these,  however, 
were  in  a  great  degree  common  to  all  the  states,  we  shall  re 
serve  them,  with  other  general  subjects,  for  a  special  chapter. 

Lord  Bellamont,  who  went  out  as  governor  in  1699,  was  ex 
tremely  popular ;  and  it  was  to  the  great  regret  of  the  people, 
that  after  fourteen  months  he  w;as  transferred  to  New  York. 
They  were  little  pleased  at  his  being  succeeded  by  Dudley,  a 
man  of  talent,  and  a  native  of  the  state,  where  he  had  many 
friends ;  but  the  body  of  the  people  remembered  that  he  had  ad 
vised  the  resignation  of  the  charter,  and  subsequently  acted  as 
the  first  absolute  ruler  under  the  king.  During  the  whole 
twelve  years  of  his  administration,  perpetual  contests  on  petty 
subjects  were  waged  between  the  two  parties,  and  he  rendered 
himself  doubly  odious  by  the  expression  of  a  wish  that  the  colony 
were  again  utterly  disfranchised. 

On  the  accession  of  the  house  of  Hanover,  the  settlers  hoped 
for  a  more  decidedly  whig  system ;  and,  in  fact,  after  some  ma 
noeuvring,  they  obtained  for  governor  Colonel  Shute,  who  was 
at  first  very  acceptable.  But  they  were  soon  amazed  to  learn 
that  a  bill  had  been  brought  in  for  the  entire  abrogation  of  their 
charter,  and  it  was  only  by  very  strong  remonstrances  that 
ministers  wrere  induced  to  withdraw  it.  Shute,  too,  though  of 
mild  manners,  became  attached  to  the  high  prerogative  party, 
and  advanced  various  claims  scarcely  warranted  by  the  constitu 
tion,  particularly  that  of  negativing  the  choice  of  the  speaker 
of  assembly.  After  many  dissensions,  the  affair  was  referred 
to  the  government  at  home,  by  whom  all  his  pretensions  were 
sanctioned,  and  the  local  authorities  were  obliged  to  consent  to 
an  explanatory  charter,  embracing  the  views  of  the  governor, 
and  other  regulations  not  less  offensive.  Hence  it  was  in  vain, 
that  he  pressed  for  a  fixed  and  liberal  salary  to  himself;  they 


PARTY  CONTR.OVERS1ES.  205 

gratified  their  resentment  by  diminishing  it,  without  regard  to 
the  depreciation  of  the  currency. 

In  1727,  he  was  succeeded  by  Burnet,  a  very  accomplished 
person,  and  who,  at  NewT  York,  had  made  himself  extremely 
acceptable.  Under  him,  however,  the  question  of  income  came 
to  a  crisis.  The  assembly,  much  mortified  by  having,  under  the 
charter  of  William,  been  deprived  of  the  choice  of  a  governor, 
endeavoured  to  keep  him  still  under  their  influence,  by  granting 
his  salary  only  from  year  to  year,  and  varying  its  amount  ac 
cording  as  he  had  given  satisfaction.  This  arrangement  was 
very  disagreeable  to  him,  and  still  more  to  the  ministry  at  home, 
against  whose  powrer  it  wras  directly  levelled.  Burnet,  relying 
on  their  support,  pressed  with  great  vehemence  for  the  desired 
arrangement ;  but  it  was  strenuously  resisted,  and  the  contro 
versy  was  suspended  by  his  death  in  1729.  The  cabinet  then 
sent  out  Belcher,  who  had  formerly  acted  as  their  agent,  but 
with  distinct  instructions  to  insist  on  this  point,  which,  it  was 
hoped,  his  great  popularity  might  gain.  He  does  not,  however, 
seem  to  have  entered  on  the  undertaking  very  heartily,  and 
when  the  assembly  passed  a  liberal  vote,  he  obtained  permission 
to  accept  it.  Though  still  ordered  to  press  the  general  measure, 
he  seems  to  have  concerned  himself  very  little  about  the  matter, 
and  thus  the  assembly,  by  dogged  perseverance,  finally  gained 
this  important  object. 

In  1740,  Belcher  fell  into  unjust  suspicion  with  the  ministry, 
and  was  removed  ;  but  on  his  innocence  being  ascertained,  he 
was  compensated  some  years  after  with  the  government  of  New 
Jersey.  He  was  succeeded  by  Shirley,  who  espoused  somewhat 
the  cause  of  prerogative ;  yet  by  moderation  and  great  kindness  to 
wards  the  opposite 'party,  he  retained  a  large  share  of  their  good 
will.  This  was  heightened  by  his  zealous  promotion  of  the  mili 
tary  operations  against  Nova  Scotia  and  Cape  Breton,  which  were 
carried  on  chiefly  from  Massachusetts,  and  Crowned  with  signal 
success.  Pownall,  who  was  appointed  in  1757,  showed  some 
preference  for  the  popular  party,  though  without  alienating  their 
18 


206         SETTLEMENT  ,OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 

antagonists  ;  and  his  reputation  was  aided  by  certain  warlike  ex 
ploits  in  which  he  had  some  share.  Bernard,  who  took  his 
place  in  1760,  belongs  to  the  period  of  revolutionary  trouble. 

We  shall  now  conclude  with  a  rapid  sketch  of  the  other 
colonies  of  New  England,  which  mostly  sprung  from  Massachu 
setts,  but  do  not  in  their  history  present  the  same  striking  events. 

CONNECTICUT  was  an  early  shoot  from  that  settlement.  Some 
knowledge  of  the  fertile  banks  of  the  river  so  named,  and  q 
spirit  of  restless  enterprise,  soon  excited  a  strong  desire  to  peo 
ple  this  new  region,  thongh  there  was  still  ample  space  in  the 
original  colony.  This  project  was  at  first  discouraged  by  the 
ruling  authorities ;  but  in  1635  and  1636,  two  successive  parties 
migrated  to  that  quarter,  accompanied  by  Mr.  Hooker,  who, 
next  to  Cotton,  was  reckoned  the  light  of  the  western  churches. 
They  drove  their  cattle  before  them,  through  the  thick,  entan 
gled  woods,  sleeping  under  the  canopy  of  heaven,  and  suffering 
many  severe  hardships.  These  they  encountered  with  charac 
teristic  firmness ;  and  reaching  the  desired  spot,  founded  Hart 
ford,  Springfield,  and  other  small  villages.  In  1637,  Eaton  and 
Davenport,  with  some  strict  puritans,  settled  New  Haven,  which, 
for  a  considerable  time,  held  itself  independent  of  Connecticut, 
as  well  as  of  Massachusetts.  All  these  arrangements  had  been 
made  without  any  concert  with  the  proprietors  in  England, 
Lords  Brooke,  and  Say  and  Seal,  who  had  obtained  the  land  by 
assignment  from  the  original  company.  The  colony,  however, 
in  1644,  succeeded  in  purchasing  the  rights  of  those  noblemen ; 
a  transaction,  the  legality  of  which,  though  doubted,  appears 
never  to  have  been  contested.  The  Dutch  also,  from  Manhattan, 
claimed  the  territory,  and  had  a  fortified  station  at  the  mouth  of 
the  river;  but  the  English  treated  their  pretensions  as  alto 
gether  unfounded,  and  if  they  did  not  attack  them,  were  pre 
pared  to  resist  any  attempt  to  dislodge  their  own  settlers. 

The  colony,  in  its  very  infancy,  suffered  inconvenience  from 
the  war  against  the  Pequod  Indians,  the  events  of  which  we 
have  already  noticed.  After  a  severe  contest,  they  completely 


CONNECTICUT  COLONIZED. 


207 


Emigration  of  Hooker. 


triumphed,  and  earned  the  blessing  of  a  long  peace.  Both  set 
tlements  from  this  time  continued  in  a  state  of  gradual  progress. 
In  1613,  they  were  combined  with  Massachusetts  and  Plymouth, 
into  "  the  united  colonies  of  New  England,"  chiefly  with  a  view 
to  defence  against  the  Dutch,  French,  and  Indians  ;  an  ar 
rangement  which  did  not  interfere  with  the  freedom  of  their  in 
ternal  government.  On  the  restoration  of  Charles  II.,  while 
Massachusetts  kept  somewhat  aloof,  Winthrop  hastened  to  Eng 
land  with  congratulations.  By  his  own  address,  combined  with 
the  influence  of  Lord  Say  and  Seal,  and  other  noblemen,  he  ob 
tained  a  charter  of  the  most  liberal  character,  constituting, indeed, 
an  independent  democracy.  The  assembly  of  deputies  had  the 
choice  of  their  governor  and  assistants  ;  they  enacted  all  laws, 
could  establish  courts*  of  justice,  levy  and  employ  troops  ;  in 
short,  exercise  all  the  functions  of  government,  with  only  the 


208        SETTLEMENT  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 

vague  limitation,  that  their  laws  should  not  be  contrary  to  those 
of  the  mother  country.  They  imagined,  too,  that  their  coast 
extended  westward  as  far  as  the  Pacific.  New  Haven  at  first 
proudly  refused  to  merge  her  independence,  even  in  this  privi 
leged  state  ;  but  the  address  of  the  younger  Winthrop,  and  the 
dread  of  the  commission  sent  out  by  Charles  II.  to  regulate  the 
colonies,  soon  induced  her  to  acquiesce.  That  gentlemen,  who 
was  elected  governor,  showed  that,  to  great  talents  as  a  man  of 
the  world  and  a  scholar,  he  united  pure  patriotism,  devoting 
himself  entirely  to  the  welfare  of  the  colony.  The  intolerance 
which  produced  so  great  evils  in  Massachusetts,  seems  never  to 
have  prevailed  here.  In  1680,  the  train-bands,  composed  of  the 
males  from  sixteen  to  sixty,  amounted  to  2500,  inferring  a  popu 
lation  of  at  least  10,000.  These  were  divided  among  twenty- 
six  towns,  which  could  soon  boast  of  twenty-one  churches. 
There  were  only  about  thirty  slaves  ;  paupers  were  few  ;  neither 
beggars  nor  vagabonds  were  permitted.  The  trade,  chiefly  with 
Boston  and  New  York,  was  carried  on  by  twenty  petty  merchants 
in  twenty-four  small  vessels  ;  and  the  imports  did  not  exceed  the 
value  of  ,£9000.  The  property  of  the  whole  corporation  was 
reckoned  at  about  £110,000. 

On  the  accession  of  James  II.,  Connecticut  sent  an  address 
of  congratulation,  which  was  well  received  ;  but  that  arbitrary 
prince,  who  had  determined  to  cancel  all  the  American  char 
ters,  was  not  likely  to  spare  one  so  foreign  to  his  taste  and 
views.  Three  successive  writs  of  quo  warranto  were  issued ; 
and  the  colonists,  after  craving  successive  delays,  and  seeing 
that  the  blow  could  not  be  warded  off,  determined  to  yield. 
Colonel  Treat,  the  governor,  wrote  to  the  secretary  of  state, 
making  the  strongest  professions  of  loyalty,  yet  with  a  wish  to 
continue  as  they  were,  if  consistent  with  his  majesty's  princely 
wisdom ;  but,  if  otherwise,  submitting  to  his  royal  commands, 
and  only  requesting  to  be  joined  to  the  united  colonies  under 
Andros,  rather  than  to  any  other.  Randolph,  the  relentless 
enemy  of  American  liberty,  urged  that  this  was  not  enough, 


THE  CHARTER  CANCELLED. 


209 


Roger  Williams  entertained  by  the  Indians. 


and  that  nothing  less  than  the  entire  forfeiture  of  the  charter 
could  finally  crush  their  pretensions.  James,  however,  sincerely 
gratified  by  the  courteous  submission  of  the  people,  sent  orders 
to  Andros  to  accept  it.  Assuming  the  administration,  he  at  the 
same  time  demanded  the  deed  ;  but  it  was  carefully  concealed 
in  the  hollow  of  an  aged  elm,  which  still  stands,  the  object  of 
public  veneration.  On  the  accession  of  William,  the  charter, 
having  neither  been  resigned  nor  any  judicial  decision  obtained 
against  it,  was  not  considered  by  legal  authorities  as  forfeited  ; 
and  that  monarch  was  not  prepared  to  incur  the  odium,  of  press 
ing  the  matter  to  a  conclusion.  Thus  Connecticut,  by  timely 
yielding,  retained  entire  those  franchises  of  which  Massachu 
setts  lost  a  part  by  her  unbending  firmness. 

RHODE  ISLAND. — We  have  had   occasion,  in  the  annals  of 
Massachusetts,  to  notice  the  foundation  of  this  little  state  by 
Roger  Williams.     After  fleeing  from  Salem,  and  encountering 
IS* 


210         SETTLEMENT  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 

many  hardships,  he  reached  a  fertile  spot  at  the  head  of  a  wind 
ing  bay,  which  he  named  Providence.  His  friendship  with  the 
Indians,  whose  cause  he  had  always  espoused,  enabled  him 
without  difficulty  to  procure  for  himself  and  a  few  followers  of 
his  adverse  fortune  a  small  territory.  Here  he  proclaimed  his 
laudable  principle  of  general  toleration  ;  and,  receiving  with 
kindness  all  who  sought  refuge  in  his  domain,  made  it  the  chief 
resort  of  the  partisans  of  the  movement.  Jts  numerous  vota 
ries,  thrown  out  by  the  rigid  orthodoxy  of  Massachusetts, 
found  here  a  hearty  welcome.  A  certain  motley  character, 
especially  in  regard  to  creed  and  worship,  was  the  necessary 
consequence.  Yet,  even  in  periods  of  the  most  rapid  innova 
tion,  there  appears  a  tendency  to  unity,  caused  by  the  newer 
and  bolder  sects  absorbing  those  which  preceded,  and  whose 
tenets  had  lost  the  gloss  of  novelty.  The  first  great  accession 
was  from  Mrs.  Hutchinson's  party  ;  and  though  their  views 
seem  to  have  had  little  resemblance  to  his,  the  two  were  quickly 
amalgamated.  These  refugees,  possessing  considerable  pro 
perty,  made  a  large  purchase  from  the  Indians,  which,  combined 
with  Providence,  composed  the  state  of  Rhode  Island.  The  Bap 
tist  movement  next  followed,  which  Mrs.  Hutchinson  and  her 
sister  so  zealously  embraced  that  they  prevailed  upon  Williams 
himself,  at  an  advanced  age,  to  submit  anew  to  the  sacred  rite. 
Even  he,  however,  was  struck  with  horror  at  the  wild  effusions 
of  Gorton,  and  at  seeing  them  propagated  in  his  settlement  with 
the  usual  success.  Actuated  by  his  characteristic  mildness, 
however,  he  merely  effected  an  arrangement  by  which  that  "per 
sonage,  with  his  fervid  adherents,  went  out  and  formed  another 
establishment.  This  was  soon  followed  by  the  Quaker  excite 
ment,  \vhich,  in  its  greatest  violence,  he  had  sound  judgment 
enough  to  repress ;  but  as  he  allowed  to  its  adherents  a  refuge 
denied  everywhere  else,  Rhode  Island  soon  became  the  point 
whence  they  issued  forth  to  the  neighbouring  states,  and  upon 
which  they  returned.  They  experienced  also  the  usual  success 
of  daring  innovators,  and,  notwithstanding  all  his  efforts,  soon 


RHODE  ISLAND.  211 

became  the  ruling  sect.  Mrs.  Hutchinson  was  dead ;  but  her 
sister,  Catherine  Scott,  and  her  intimate  friend,  Mrs.  Dyar, 
ranked  high  among  the  gifted  prophetesses. 

From  these  causes,  the  colony  silently  grew,  and  in  1680  was 
reported  to  contain  five  hundred  planters  and  five  hundred  other 
men,  whence,  as  these  last  were  apparently  adults,  we  may  in 
fer  an  entire  population  of  about  four  thousand.  Newport  was 
the  harbour ;  but  as  yet  there  was  very  little  either  of  com 
merce  or  of  shipping.  The  religious  sects  were  of  course  nume 
rous,  especially  the  Baptists  and  Quakers.  The  settlement, 
however,  had  all  along  been  viewed  with  an  evil  eye  by  the 
people  of  Massachusetts,  who  saw  in  it  the  chief  pivot  on 
which  turned  that  enthusiastic  movement  by  which  they  were 
so  much  annoyed.  Its  exclusion  from  the  union  of  the  colo 
nies  in  1643,  marked  strongly  this  spirit,  and  placed  it  in  a 
somewhat  precarious  situation.  Williams,  however,  who,  in 
1644,  came  to  Britain,  where  the  independents  were  then  in  full 
power,  and  his  friend  Vane,  one  of  their  chief  leaders,  easily 
obtained  a  popular  charter  for  the  towns  of  Providence,  New 
port,  and  Portsmouth,  with  a  recommendation  equivalent  to  an 
order,  that  New  England  should  exchange  good  offices  with 
him.  On  his  return  he  was  received  with  a  species  of  triumph  ; 
and  his  still  jealous  neighbours  were  obliged  to  content  them 
selves  with  shutting  their  state  against  him  and  his  people. 
Again,  after  the  Restoration,  John  Clarke,  the  agent  of  the 
colony,  procured  from  Charles  II.  a  fresh  charter,  securing  all 
their  privileges,  and  particularly  confirming  the  right  of  religious 
freedom.  That  prince,  however,  in  the  end  of  his  reign,  and 
his  successor,  in  a  manner  still  more  determined,  applied  them 
selves  to  cancel  all  the  colonial  charters.  In  July,  1685,  ac 
cordingly,  a  quo  warranto  was  issued  against  that  of  Rhode 
Island,  which,  being  announced  to  the  assembly,  they  sent  a 
very  humble  reply,  declaring  their  intention  not  to  stand  suit 
with  his  majesty,  but  earnestly  soliciting  a  continuance  of  their 
privileges,  especially  in  regard  to  their'  faith.  James  accepted 


212         SETTLEMENT  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 

their  submission,  and,  by  his  instructions,  Andros,  in  December 
1686,  dissolved  the  government,  broke  its  seal,  and  assumed  the 
entire  administration.  But  after  the  Revolution,  the  people 
laid  hold  "  of  their  former  gracious  privileges,"  and  shared  in 
this  respect  the  good  fortune  of  Connecticut.  They  were 
allowed  to  resume  their  charter,  which  had  never  been  legally 
forfeited. 

NEW  HAMPSHIRE  AND  MAINE. — The  extensive  region  be 
tween  Massachusetts  and  the  country  claimed  by  France  under 
the  name  of  Acadia,  having  early  drawn  the  notice  of  English 
adventurers,  the  two  most  active  members  of  the  Plymouth 
Company,  Sir  Ferdinand  Gorges  and  John  Mason,  undertook 
to  colonize  it.  The  latter,  secretary  to  the  council,  obtained, 
in  1621,  a  grant  of  the  lands  between  Salem  and  the  Merri- 
mack ;  and  next  year,  in  conjunction  with  Gorges,  of  those  be 
tween  the  last-mentioned  river  and  the  Kennebeck,  as  far  as 
the  St.  Lawrence.  In  1020,  and  again  in  1635,  when  the  com 
pany  was  broken  up,  Mason  acquired  fresh  patents  for  his 
portion,  which  then  received  the  name  of  New  Hampshire. 
In  1638,  however,  before  the  settlement  had  come  to  any  ma 
turity,  he  died,  and  his  family  were  unable  to  derive  any  bene 
fit  from  this  vast  donation.  Sir  Ferdinand,  meantime,  at  the 
crisis  of  1635,  procured  for  himself  exclusively  the  whole  terri 
tory  from  New  Hampshire  to  the  Kennebeck,  and  this  was  con 
firmed  in  1639,  by  a  patent  from  the  king,  when  it  received  the 
name  of  Maine. 

These  proprietors  appear  to  have  set  great  value  on  their 
grants,  and  to  have  made  active  exertions  to  improve  them. 
Dover  and  Portsmouth  were  early  founded  on  the  Piscataqua  ; 
and  in  1635,  Gorges  sent  out  his  nephew  to  govern  the  district. 
Yet  their  settlements  made  very  slow  progress.  Being  high- 
church  and  monarchy  men,  they  granted  none  of  those  franchises 
by  which  alone  emigrants  could  be  attracted  to  this  northern 
soil ;  while,  to  the  aristocratic  class,  Virginia  offered  a  much 
more  tempting  resort.  'Only  a  few  hardy  adventurers  were  en- 


EARLY  HISTORY  OF  MAINE.  213 

ticed  by  the  abundant  supply  of  fish  and  timber,  who  gradually 
formed  along  the  coast  small  stations,  adding  the  practice  of  a 
slight  agriculture  for  the  supply  of  immediate  wants. 

Massachusetts,  however,  began  to  overflow  into  these  terri 
tories.  In  1637,  Wheelwright,  the  antinomian  preacher,  founded 
on  the  Piscataqua  the  town  of  Exeter,  without  paying  much  re 
gard  to  the  proprietor's  rights,  though  he  was  ultimately  obliged 
to  submit  to  his  officer,  Williams.  Three  years  afterwards, 
Massachusetts  advanced  claims  to  New  Hampshire,  as  being 
within  her  patent;  and,  although  her  pretensions  were  far  from 
valid,  her  strength  and  the  inclination  of  the  people  enabled  her 
without  difficulty  to  make  them  good.  This  new  member  was 
incorporated  and  endowed  with  all  her  political  privileges. 
Several  zealous  ministers  were  sent,  who  are  said  to  have  greatly 
improved  the  people ;  but  they  had  the  discretion  not  to  enforce 
any  exclusive  system,  and  during  nearly  forty  years  of  this  rule, 
the  foundations  of  solid  prosperity  were  laid.  The  feeling  spread 
among  the  small  seaports  which  began  to  stud  the  coast  of 
Maine,  and  they  were  successively,  either  at  their  own  request, 
or  by  the  consent  of  large  majorities,  incorporated  with  the 
others.  The  proprietors  loudly,  and  with  good  show  of  reason, 
remonstrated  against  these  proceedings,  but  without  obtaining 
any  redress.  The  independents,  now  in  power,  were  adverse  to 
them,  and  friendly  to  Massachusetts  ;  while  the  people,  included 
within  the  political  system  of  the  latter  state,  earnestly  petitioned 
for  its  continuance. 

.  A  complete  reverse  took  place  at  the  restoration  of  Charles  II., 
all  whose  partialities  were  in  favour  of  the  old  royalist  proprie 
tors,  and  against  the  puritan  colony.  Gorges  and  Mason, 
grandsons  of  the  original  patentees,  immediately  applied  for 
restitution  of  their  rights,  which  was  granted,  and  the  commis 
sioners  then  sent  out  were  instructed  to  enforce  it.  Yet  the 
general  court,  by  their  local  power,  the  affections  of  the  inhabi 
tants,  and  by  constantly  evading  the  demand  for  deputies  duly 
impowered,  contrived  during  sixteen  years  to  retain  the  juris- 


214         SETTLEMENT  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 

diction  ;  but  being,  in  1677,  brought  before  the  chief  justices 
of  England,  their  pretensions  were  at  once  set  aside.  Mason  was 
also  obliged  to  yield  his  authority,  though  retaining  a  claim  upon 
the  lands.  Maine  was  assigned  to  Gorges ;  but  the  rulers  of 
Massachusetts  contrived  to  purchase  his  rights  for  .-£1250,  a  sum, 
perhaps,  above  its  actual  value  at  the  moment.  They  incurred 
reproach  by  treating  it  as  a  subject  territory,  appointing  the  go 
vernor  and  council,  though  they  graciously  allowed  a  popular 
legislature. 

New  Hampshire  being  thus  thrown  loose,  it  was  determined 
to  manage  it  as  a  royal  province  ;  and  in  1682,  Edward  Cran- 
field  was  sent  as  administrator.  His  government  was  one  con 
tinued  scene  of  discontent  on  the  part  of  the  people,  amounting 
sometimes  to  rebellion.  Mr.  Bancroft  represents  him  as  avow 
edly  making  it  his  sole  object  to  amass  money.  It  appears  more 
certain  that  all  his  maxims  were  those  of  high  prerogative ; 
while  Massachusetts  had  breathed  among  the  people  the  puritan 
and  republican  spirit  in  its  full  force.  He  wrote  "  that  while 
the  clergy  were  allowed  to  preach,  no  true  allegiance  would  be 
found  in  those  parts."  In  1685,  he  solicited  his  recall,  declaring 
he  should  "  esteem  it  the  greatest  happiness  in  the  world  to  be 
allowed  to  remove  from  those  unreasonable  people/"'  Presently 
after,  this  country,  with  the  whole  of  New  England,  was  united 
under  the  successive  governments  of  Dudley  and  Andros.  At 
the  Revolution,  it  again  became  a  separate  and  royal  colony, 
though  with  some  dependence  on  Massachusetts. 


William  Penn. 


CHAPTER    VII. 

SETTLEMENT  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

N  the  history  of  New  England  we  find  exhi 
bited  the  extravagance  indulged  in  by  the 
Quakers.  Carrying  to  an  undue  length  that 
religious  movement  which  produced  the  Re 
formation,  they  relinquished  a  proper  regard 
not  only  to  forms  and  ordinances,  but  to 
reason,  and,  -in  some  degree,  to  Scripture,  yielding  themselves 
in  a  great  measure  to  the  guidance  of  visions  and  inward 
illuminations.  They  constituted  at  this  period,  as  already  ob 
served,  the  extreme  of  the  ultra-protestant  section,  which  thence 
forth  began  to  recede  from  its  too  forward  position.  Not  only 
did  no  similar  sects  spring  up,  but  they  themselves  gradually 

(215) 


216  SETTLEMENT  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

pruned  away  the  exaggerated  features  of  their  system.  They 
assumed  even  a  remarkably  sedate  character,  and,  retaining  still 
their  deep  devotional  feeling,  with  only  a  few  outward  peculiari 
ties,  distinguished  themselves  in  the  walks  of  life  by  practical 
philanthropy.  In  this  chastened  ,and  reformed  Quakerism,  the 
lead  was  taken  by  William  Penn,  one  of  the  most  illustrious 
characters  of  modern  times.  Born  to  rank  and  distinction,  son 
to  an  admiral  who  had  attained  celebrity  under  Cromwell  by 
the  conquest  of  Jamaica,  he  embraced  at  college  this  persecuted 
cause,  and  devoted  himself  to  it  throughout  his  whole  life. 
Refusing  to  retract  or  compromise  his  views,  he  was  expelled 
from  his  father's  house,  becoming  amenable  to  all  the  rigours 
then  enforced  against  eccentric  modes  of  religious  worship  and 
teaching.  He  indulged  at  first  in  certain  extravagances  :  but 
ripening  years,  combined  with  extensive  study,  and  travel  over 
a  great  part  of  Europe,  enlarged  his  mind  ;  and,  while  retaining 
the  same  devoted  attachment  to  what  was  valuable  in  his  sys 
tem,  he  purified  it  from  its  principal  errors.  His  steady  course 
of  Christian  kindness  gained  for  him  the  general  esteem  of  the 
public,  and  ultimately  led  to  a  reconciliation  with  his  parent, 
who  bequeathed  to  him  the  whole  of  his  property. 

Among  the  tenets  of  this  school,  which  Pcnn  at  all  times  ad 
vocated  with  the  utmost  zeal,  was  that  of  complete  liberty  in  re 
ligious  opinion  and  worship.  It  became,  indeed,  a  leading  object 
of  his  life  to  render  himself  a  shield  not  only  to  his  own  people, 
but  to  all  who  on  this  ground  were  exposed  to  suffering  and  per 
secution.  Unable  as  yet  fully  to  accomplish  his  end  in  the  old 
world,  he  conceived  the  plan  of  providing  for  them,  in  the  new 
continent,  an  asylum  similar  to  that  of  their  pilgrim  ancestors. 
By  founding  there  a  state  open  to  the  votaries  of  every  faith,  he 
might,  he  hoped,  fulfil  this  benevolent  purpose,  and  at  the  same 
time  secure  for  himself  a  degree  of  importance  and  wealth.  He 
possessed,  in  virtue  of  his  father's  services,  a  claim  on  govern 
ment,  estimated  at  £16,000  ;  but  after  a  long  delay,  amid  the 
exigencies  of  the  court,  he  could  not  without  difficulty  have 


PENN  OBTAINS  A  CHARTER.  217 

rendered  it  effective  in  any  shape,  except  for  one  favourable  cir 
cumstance.  He  enjoyed  the  favour  both  of  Charles  II.  and 
James  II.,  and  was  always  a  welcome  guest  at  Whitehall.  This 
intercourse  with  princes  whose  character  was  so  unlike  his  own, 
excited  in  that  age  a  feeling  of  surprise  which  we  can  scarcely 
avoid  sharing.  The  most  injurious  surmises  arose, —  he  was 
represented  as  a  Papist,  and  even  a  Jesuit.  He  seems,  however, 
to  have  clearly  proved,  that  he  never  concurred  in  any  of  the 
illegal  measures  of  those  rulers,  but  employed  his  influence  almost 
solely  with  the  view  of  obtaining  protection  for  those  numerous 
sufferers  in  wrhom  he  took  so  deep  an  interest.  Had  his  object 
been  money,  he  must  have  encountered  many  obstacles  in  obtain 
ing  it  from  the  dilapidated  treasury  of 'Charles.  It  was  much 
easier  to  get  the  royal  assent  respecting  a  desert  region  beyond 
the  Atlantic,  whence  no  immediate  benefit  was  derived.  His 
petition,  being  presented  in  June,  1680,  was  referred  to  the  agents 
of  the  Duke  of  York  and  Lord  Baltimore,  who  declared  it  to  be 
unobjectionable,  provided  the  rights  of  these  individuals  wrere  pre- 
erved  inviolate.  Penn,  therefore,  submitted  the  draft  of  a 
charter,  which,  after  being  revised  by  Chief  Justice  North  and 
the  Bishop  of  London,  was  passed  under  the  seal-royal.  It 
granted  to  him  the  tract  in  America  extending  northwards  from 
the  40th  to  the  43d  degree  of  latitude,  and  five  degrees  of  lon 
gitude  westward,  from  a  boundary  line  drawn  twelve  miles  from 
Newcastle  on  the  Delaware.  Nearly  the  same  privileges  were 
conceded  as  wTere  formerly  granted  to  Lord  Baltimore.  The 
proprietor  was  impowered  to  dispose  of  the  lands  in  fee-simple, 
to  levy  taxes  with  consent  of  the  freemen  or  their  delegates,  to 
erect  courts  of  justice,  and  (wrhat  one  might  scarcely  have  ex 
pected)  to  raise  forces  for  the  defence  of  the  province  by  sea  and 
land.  There  was  reserved,  however,  the  sovereignty  of  the 
crown,  and  its  claim  to  allegiance ;  also  an  appeal  from  the  courts 
to  the  king  in  council,  and  the  right  of  Parliament  to  levy  cus 
tom-duties.  The  acts  passed  by  the  Assembly  and  the  owner 
were  to  be  transmitted  within  five  years  to  his  majesty,  and  if 
19 


218  SETTLEMENT  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

considered  unconstitutional,  might  be  disallowed.  The  Bishop 
of  London  stipulated  for  the  reception  of  a  preacher,  as  soon  as 
one  should  be  requested  by  twenty  of  the  settlers. 

Invested  with  these  ample  powers,  Penn  proceeded  to  give  to 
the  colony  a  constitution,  on  a  very  liberal  footing.  A  council 
of  seventy-two,  elected  by  the  body  of  the  people,  and  having  a 
third  of  their  number  renewed  every  year,  carried  on  the  execu 
tive  government,  in  conjunction  with  the  proprietor,  who  was 
allowed  three  votes.  This  body  was  divided  into  four  com 
mittees,  of  plantation,  trade,  justice,  and  education.  They  pre 
pared  the  bills  and  propositions  which  were  submitted  to  the 
General  Assembly,  also  elected  by 'the  people.  They  were  to 
sit  nine  days  only,  during  eight  of  which  they  were  to  consider 
the  proposals  made  by  the  council,  and  on  the  ninth  to  pronounce 
their  decision.  This  system,  said  to  have  been  copied  chiefly 
from  the  Oceana  of  Harrington,  was  not  very  well  fitted  for 
practical  purposes,  and  had  not  a  long  duration. 

Penn  now  circulated  widely  his  proposals  through  Britain, 
France,  and  Germany  ;  the  oppressed  and  impoverished  of  every 
class  being  invited  to  this  land  of  promise.  He  recommended 
it  not  only  to  those  who  suffered  under  religious  persecution, 
but  "  to  industrious  labourers  and  handicraftsmen — ingenious 
spirits  low  in  the  world — younger  brothers  of  small  inheritances, 
instead  of  hanging  on  as  retainers  on  their  elder  brother's  table 
and  charity — lastly,  to  men  of  an  universal  spirit,  who  have  an 
eye  to  the  good  of  posterity."  The  necessary  expense  of  con 
veyance  was  stated  to  be, —  for  an  adult  5/.,  a  child  under 
twelve  21.  10s-.,  goods  21.  per  ton.  Those  who  could  not  af 
ford  even  this  moderate  amount,  were  informed  that,  on  engag 
ing  with  emigrants  of  property  for  a  service  of  four  years,  not 
only  would  their  passage  be  defrayed,  but  at  the  end  of  the  term 
they  would  receive  fifty  acres,  at  2s.  quit-rent.  An  extent  of 
five  thousand  acres  was  sold  for  100/.,  with  ZOs.  quit-rent,  com 
mencing  only  in  1684.  Those  who  preferred  might  pay  merely 
a  quit-rent  of  Id.  an  acre,  or  201.  Ws.  3d.  Smaller  tracts 


ARRIVAL  OF  EMIGRANTS. 


219 


Treaty  Monument. 


were  disposed  of  at  corresponding  prices.  Poor  men  \vere 
allowed  fifty  acres  at  Id.  per  acre. 

These  advantageous  terms,  the  troubled  state  of  Europe, 
and  the  high  character  of  the  proprietor,  caused  his  proposal 
to  be  received  with  general  favour.  An  influx  into  America 
took  place,  such  as  had  never  been  equalled  since  the  days  of 
the  first  settlers.  Between  1682  and  1685,  there  arrived  ninety 
sail,  conveying  an  average  of  eighty  passengers,  in  all  seven 
thousand  two  hundred,  besides  one  thousand  who  had  landed  in 
1681.  They  had  been  sent  under  his  kinsman  Markham,  to 
take  possession  of  the  country,  and  prepare  the  way  for  the 
larger  colony.  He  found  no  difficulty  in  completing  the  pur 
chase  of  an  extensive  tract  of  land  from  the  Indians,  on  terms 
satisfactory  to  them,  yet  moderate  for  the  buyer. 

In  October,  1682,  Penn  arrived,  with  a  body  of  two  thou 
sand  emigrants.  After  some  time  spent  in  surveying  his  new 
possessions,  he,  in  the  beginning  of  16S3,  arranged  a  meeting 
with  the  native  chiefs,  under  the  canopy  of  a  spacious  elm  tree, 
near  the  present  site  of  Philadelphia.  They  appeared  on  the 
day  appointed,  in  their  rude  attire,  and  with  brandished  wea- 


220  SETTLEMENT  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

pons,  beneath  the  shadow  of  those  dense  woods  which  covered 
what  is  now  a  fine  and  cultivated  plain.  On  learning  that  the 
English  approached,  they  deposited  their  arms  and  sat  down  in 
groups,  each  tribe  behind  its  own  chieftain.  Penn,  then  stepping 
forward  in  his  usual  plain  dress,  and  unarmed,  held  forth  in  his 
hand  the  parchment  on  which  the  treaty  was  engrossed.  '  In  a 
simple  speech,  he  announced  to  them  those  principles  of  equity 
and  amity  upon  which  he  desired  that  all  their  future  intercourse 
should  be  conducted.  He  besought  them  to  keep  this  parch 
ment  during  three  generations.  The  Indians  replied,  in  their 
usual  solemn  and  figurative  language,  that  they  would  live  in 
peace  with  him  and  with  his  children  while  the  sun  and  moon 
should  endure.  A  friendly  display  like  this  is  by  no  means  un 
usual  in  the  first  opening  of  intercourse  between  civilized  and 
savage  nations ;  but  seldom,  indeed,  does  it  long  continue  un 
broken,  or  fail  even  of  being  succeeded  by  an  imbittered  enmity. 
Pennsylvania  afforded  at  least  one  happy  exception.  Her 
founder  continued  with  this  savage  people  on  terms  not  only  of 
peace,  but  of  intimate  union ;  he  visited  them  in  their  villages, 
he  slept  in  their  wigwams ;  they  welcomed  him  almost  as  a 
brother.  Forty  years  afterwards  they  said  to  the  governor,  Sir 
William  Keith,  as  the  highest  possible  compliment:  —  "We 
esteem  and  love  you  as  if  you  were  William  Penn  himself." 
What  was  still  more  wonderful,  the  colonists,  though  they  had 
to  struggle  with  many  uncongenial  spirits  in  their  own  body, 
succeeded  in  maintaining  good  terms  with  the  natives  ;  and  for 
nearly  a  century,  the  Indian  tomahawk  was  never  lifted  against 
a  people  who  would  have  considered  it  unlawful  to  return  the 
blow. 

His  next  object  was  to  found  a  capital  for  his  new  settlement. 
He  chose  a  site  upon  a  neck  of  land  between  the  Schuylkill  and 
Delaware,  in  a  situation  which  appeared  'at  once  agreeable  and 
healthy,  abounding  in  water,  and  with  convenient  river  commu 
nications.  He  gave  to  it  the  name  of  Philadelphia,  (brotherly 
love,)  under  which  it  has  become  one  of  the  most  flourishing  cities 


QUESTION  AS  TO  BOUNDARY.  221 

in  tht  New  World.  Combining  the  taste  for  neatness  and  regu 
larity  characteristic  of  his  people,  with  a  love  of  rural  nature,  he 
planned  a  town  composed  of  parallel  streets,  each  sixty  feet 
broad,  crossed  by  others  also  spacious,  and  some  indicating  by 
their  very  names,  Vine,  Mulberry,  Chestnut,  that  the  verdure  of 
the  country  was  still  to  enliven  them.  The  purchasers  of 
five  thousand  acres  were  to  have  a  house  in  one  of  the  two 
principal  streets,  with  a  garden  and  orchard  ;  those  of  one 
thousand  in  the  three  next ;  such  as  were  under  one  thousand 
acres,  in  the  cross  streets.  In  1684,  fifty  villages,  arranged  in 
regular  squares,  had  sprung  up,  on  a  similar  plan,  though  on  a 
smaller  scale. 

In  December,  1682,  Penn  proceeded  to  Maryland,  to  adjust 
with  Lord  Baltimore  the  boundaries  of  their  respective  provinces. 
His  lordship  received  him  as  he  had  before  received  his  agent 
Markham,  with  the  utmost  politeness;  yet  the  arrangement  was 
found  very  difficult  and  vexatious.  The  specified  limit  of  the  40th 
degree  had,  in  the  maps  of  that  age,  been  made  to  run  across  the 
Bay  of  Chesapeake,  about  the  latitude  of  Pool's  Island.  Thus  the 
head  of  that  great  inlet  was  left  within  the  bounds  assigned  to 
Pennsylvania,  and  afforded  an  advantageous  outlet  for  her  com 
merce.  Lord  Baltimore,  however,  caused  a  new  and  more 
scientific  survey  to  be  made,  showing  that  this  limit  really  lay 
considerably  to  the  north  of  any  part  of  the  bay,  from  which  the 
new  province  was  thus  wholly  excluded.  This  circumstance  bore 
heavily  upon  the  philanthropist,  whose  colony  was  thus  deprived 
of  all  direct  maritime  trade.  He  earnestly  urged,  that  the  space 
in  question  was  a  hundred  times  more  valuable  to  him  than  to 
the  other  party,  of  whose  territory  this  was  only  an  outer  tract, 
scarcely  at  all  known  or  settled  ;  that  the  proprietor  of  Mary 
land  must  probably  have  gained  by  the  error  in  settling  his  own 
boundaries  with  Virginia ;  and  that  the  understanding  upon 
which  the  grant  had  been  made  ought  to  be  taken  into  considera 
tion.  Their  interests  came  into  collision  on  another  point.  Penn 
had  obtained  a  grant  from  the  Duke  of  York  of  the  whole  coast 
19* 


222 


SETTLEMENT  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 


Penn's  Interview  with  Lord  Baltimore. 


of  the  river  and  bay  of  Delaware,  southward  from  Newcastle  to 
Cape  Henlopen,  which  would  in  some  degree  have  supplied  his 
want  of  a  seacoast.  But  the  other  party  claimed  all  the  shores 
of  this  bay  also,  as  included  within  the  40th  degree.  Both  par 
ties,  during  their  personal  intercourse,  maintained  their  claims 
with  extreme  pertinacity,  yet  with  politeness  ;  but  the  correspond 
ence  which  afterwards  ensued  is  tinctured  with  considerable 
bitterness,  each  accusing  the  other  of  forwarding  his  views  in  an 
unfair  manner.  It  became  necessary  to  refer  the  question  to  the 
Committee  of  Plantation,  who,  in  November,  1685,  came  to  the 
decision  that  the  40th  degree,  in  its  real  direction,  must  be  the 
boundary,  thus  excluding  the  Quakers  from  the  Chesapeake. 
But  while  they  allowed  that  the  Maryland  patent  had  extended 
indeed  to  the  Delaware,  they  considered  tint  it  had  been  granted 


INTERNAL  DISSENSIONS.  223 

only  in  respect  to  such  countries  as  were  not  occupied  by  any 
Christian  people,  while  that  region  had  been  already  colonized 
in  considerable  numbers  by  the  Dutch  and  Swedes.  Hence  it 
was  determined  that  the  eastern  part  belonged  of  right  to  the 
crown,  including  Penn's  domain,  which  was  thereby  rendered 
valid,  and  gave  him  the  command  of  that  fine  estuary,  thus  in  a 
great  measure  compensating  his  loss  on  another  side. 

In  1684,  Penn  was  induced  by  this  and  other  affairs  to  return 
to  England,  leaving  the  administration  in  the  hands  of  com 
missioners  ;  a  body  who  did  not  by  any  means  work  harmoni 
ously.  Moore,  a  leading  proprietary  officer,  was  accused  by 
the  Assembly  of  corruption  and  other  high  misdemeanors  ;  which 
charge  being  strenuously  resisted  by  the  executive,  a  violent 
collision  ensued.  The  proprietor,  while  he  felt  disposed  to  grant 
a  liberal  government  to  his  settlers,  was  probably  little  prepared 
to  make  over  to  them  the  whole  political  power,  which  yet 
they  seem  to  have  been  determined  to  grasp.  In  1686,  he  sent 
instructions  to  his  officers  to  dissolve  the  constitution,  which  he 
had  so  studiously  constructed.  The  Assembly,  however,  for- 
seeing  that  the  change  was  proposed  with  a  view  to  the  abridg 
ment  of  their  privileges,  resolutely  opposed  his  views.  He  then 
determined  to  supersede  the  commission,  and  appoint  a  deputy- 
governor,  as  more  likely  to  support  his  authority. 

The  person  selected  was  Black  well,  who  is  admitted  to  have 
been  no  Quaker,  and  indeed  to  have  had  nothing  akin  to  the 
character.  The  apology  made  seems  singular,  namely,  that  no 
one  of  that  profession  could  be  found  fit  for  the  office,  and  willing 
to  undertake  it.  We  may  rather  suspect  that,  being  a  dexterous 
politician  and  high  advocate  for  power,  he  was  expected  to  beat 
clown  the  democratic  opposition.  His  efforts  for  this  purpose 
were  carried  to  an  extreme.  White,  who,  as  former  speaker, 
had  been  active  in  the  prosecution  of  Moore,  having  been  re- 
elected  as  delegate,  was  thrown  into  prison,  and  his  claim  under 
the  habeas  corpus  act  evaded.  The  most  imbittered  messages 
passed  between  the  governor  and  Assembly.  He  contrived,  how- 


224  SETTLEMENT  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

ever,  to  gain  over  a  part  of  the  members,  and  thus  to  carry  or. 
the  government. 

On  these  proceedings  being  represented  to  him,  Penn  was  not 
disposed  to  support  them  ;  and  he  now  threw  almost  everything 
into  the  hands  of  the  council,  on  whom  he  conferred  the  power 
of  choosing  the  executive  officers  and  deputy-governor :  they 
elected  Thomas  Lloyd,  a  Quaker  preacher  of  great  merit.  But 
neither  did  this  arrangement  work  well.  Schisms  arose  among 
the  too  numerous  body  ;  and  violent  protests  were  made.  The 
chief  conflicts,  which  were  between  the  old  territory  of  Penn 
sylvania  and  the  new  counties  on  the  Delaware,  rose  to  such  a 
height,  that  the  proprietor  was  obliged  reluctantly  to  separate 
the  two  territories;  appointing  Markham  governor  of  the  latter, 
which  ultimately  formed  a  small  state,  bearing  the  name  of  that 
great  bay.  Peace  did  not  reign  among  the  Quakers  themselves. 
George  Keith,  one  of  the  most  eminent  among  them  as  a  preacher 
and  writer,  disappointed  perhaps  at  not  himself  obtaining  a  lead 
in  the  government,  proclaimed  that  no  one  of  his  sect  could  law 
fully  act  as  an  executive  offioer  or  magistrate,  and  if  he  did,  had 
no  claim  to  any  obedience.  These  doctrines,  enforced  not  in  the 
mildest  terms,  brought  him  under  the  cognizance  of  the  authori 
ties.  His  adherents  allege  that  their  proceedings  were  violent 
and  irregular ;  that  without  hearing  or  inquiry  he  was  pro 
claimed  in  the  market-place  a  seditious  person,  and  an  enemy  to 
the  king  and  queen  ;  and  that  the  ministers,  with  as  little  cere 
mony,  denounced  him  as  not  having  the  fear  of  God  before  his 
eyes.  The  actual  penalty  was  only  a  moderate  fine,  and  not 
even  enforced  ;  but  the  finding  himself  proscribed  among  his 
brethren,  both  in  the  colony  and  at  home,  seems  to  have  exas 
perated  him; — he  became  an  enemy  to  the  Quakers,  abandoned 
their  communion,  and  finally  accepted  an  episcopal  benefice.  He 
was  lamented  by  them  as  a  mighty  man  fallen  from  the  high 
places  of  Israel ;  and  the  noise  made  by  these  feuds  seriously  in 
jured  the  colony  in  the  crisis  which  now  arose. 

The  Pennsylvanians,  who  had  owed  everything  to  James  II., 


TRIAL  OF  PENN.  225 

did  not  share  the  general  joy  at  his  abdication  in  1688.  The 
news  was  unwillingly  believed  ;  and  the  government,  till  Sep 
tember,  1689,  was  still  administered  in  his  name.  This  was 
carefully  reported  from  New  York  ;  while  in  England,  charges 
were  brought  against  the  proprietor  as  adhering  to  popery,  or  at 
least  strongly  attached  to  the  exiled  house.  William,  after  some 
hesitation,  deprived  him  of  his  patent ;  and  in  April,  1693,  Ben 
jamin  Fletcher,  governor  of  New  York,  assumed  authority  also 
over  Pennsylvania.  The  Assembly  professed  their  willingness  to 
obey,  provided  they  were  ruled  in  the  usual  manner,  and  by  laws 
founded  on  letters-patent.  But  he  intimated  that  they  were 
much  mistaken  ;  that  the  change  had  been  made  on  account  of 
neglects  and  miscarriages;  and  that  his  majesty's  mode  of  go 
verning  would  be  in  direct  opposition  to  that  of  Mr.  Penn.  It 
was  even  maintained  that  all  the  former  laws  had  been  abrogated, 
though  a  willingness  was  expressed  to  re-enact  the  greater 
number.  The  Assembly,  however,  insisted  on  their  validity  ; 
and,  while  acknowledging  the  authority  of  the  king,  denied  the 
charge  of  former  misgovernment.'  They  resisted  also  the  de 
mands  for  money  ;  and  thus  a  perpetual  strife  reigned  between 
them  and  the  governor,  who  declared  that  nothing  would  remedy 
the  evil  but  annexation  to  New  York ;  and  complained  that, 
though  his  door  was  never  shut,  it  was  avoided,  as  if  it  had  been 
treason  to  be  seen  in  his  company. 

Penn,  meantime,  passed  through  many  trials  ;  and  after  being 
repeatedly  acquitted,  was  arraigned  on  fresh  charges.  However, 
he  was  strongly  supported  by  Locke,  Rochester,  and  other 
friends ;  and  as  nothing  could  be  proved  against  him  except  a 
personal  attachment  to  King  James,  without  sharing  his  bigotry, 
William,  in  August,  1694,  passed  the  patent  for  his  restoration. 
As  he  could  not  go  out  in  person,  Markham  was  again  appointed 
deputy.  But  the  Assembly,  though  pleased  to  be  rid  of  the 
royal  government,  did  not  show  any  greater  deference  to  that  of 
the  proprietary.  They  had  wrested  the  privilege  of  originating 
bills,  and  availed  themselves  of  it  so  far  as  to  draw  almost  the 


226  SETTLEMENT  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

whole  power  into  their  hands.  Markham,  on  convening  them 
in  1697,  said  : — "  You  are  met,  not  by  virtue  of  any  writ  of  mine, 
but  of  a  law  made  by  yourselves." 

In  1699,  Penn  again  visited  the  colony.  II  is  "object  seems  to 
have  been  to  obtain  the  consent  of  the  people  to  a  constitution 
which,  granting  them  every  reasonable  franchise,  might,  preserve 
to  himself  the  ordinary  powers  of  an  executive  head.  After 
much  difficulty  and  opposition,  he  had  the  address  to  carry  his 
point.  The  original  frame  was  surrendered,  and  a  new  one 
formed,  based  on  the  more  common  and  approved  principles  of 
representative  government.  The  Assembly,  as  elsewhere,  was  to 
have  the  power  of  originating  bills ;  but  these  wrere  to  require 
the  assent  of  the  proprietary.  He  obtained  also  the  important 
privilege  of  naming  the  council,  and  had  thus  to  contend  w?ith 
only  one  popular  body  instead  of  two. 

He  had  gone  out  with  the  avowed  intention  of  spending  the 
rest  of  his  life  in  Pennsylvania  ;  but  he  wras  recalled  by  a  pro 
ject  for  abolishing  all  the  proprietary  governments,  for  which 
purpose  a  new  bill  had  been  introduced  into  Parliament.  He 
was  mortified  to  find  this  measure  supported  by  a  considerable 
body  of  his  own  colonists.  His  liberal  arrangements  and  invita 
tions  had  attracted  many  whose  dispositions  were  wholly  alien 
to  him  and  his  sect,  and  who  indignantly  submitted  to  their 
authority.  They  complained  that,  amid  the  professed  religious 
equality,  all  government  and  power  were  "  engrossed  and  con 
fined  to  the  Quakers,  and  all  others  his  majesty's  good  subjects 
excluded  and  denied  the  benefit  of  the  king's  laws  and  the  rights 
of  subjects."  Under  this  strange  rule  no  provision  was  made 
for  defence  against  enemies  either  at  home  or  abroad.  The 
crown,  they  insisted,  ought  to  have  the  power  of  levying  men 
and  money,  of  calling  Assemblies,  and  of  life  and  death,  leaving 
to  Penn  only  his  manorial  rights. 

Penn,  however,  on  reaching  England,  was  gratified  to  find 
that  the  dreaded  project  had  been  renounced,  and  the  bill  with 
drawn.  He  acquired  considerable  favour  with  Queen  Anne; 


DISCONTENTS  IN  THE  COLONY.  227 

but  circumstances  prevented  his  return.  Hamilton,  appointed 
his  deputy,  was  still  troubled  by  internal  dissensions.  These 
were  not  abated  by  the  nomination,  in  1703,  of  Evans,  in 
whom  we  see  a  character  the  most  opposite  to  that  of  the  pro 
prietor  himself.  This  officer,  young,  lively,  fond  of  frolic  and 
revelry,  and  inflamed  with  military  ardour,  was  utterly  opposed 
to  the  Quaker  assembly,  and  treated  with  derision  their  pacific 
dispositions.  He  began  to  erect  forts  without  their  permission, 
and  endeavoured,  but  in  vain,  to  rouse  them  by  a  false  alarm  of 
a  French  invasion.  On  having  three  of  their  bills  presented  to 
him,  he  told  them  "  they  were  very  great  absurdities."  They 
sent  home  loud  remonstrances,  complaining  also  that  under  the 
new  frame  their  liberties  were  greatly  abridged.  Penn  listened 
unwillingly,  and  it  was  not  till  1709,  that  this  unsuitable  ruler 
was  removed.  He  was  succeeded  by  Gcokin,  an  Irish  gentle 
man,  of  good  age  and  mild  manners ;  yet  the  discontents  still 
continued.  The  war  with  Canada  having  broken  out,  he  had 
the  ungracious  task  of  demanding  a  supply  of  4000/.  and  one 
hundred  and  fifty  men.  It  was  privately  intimated  that  the 
money  \vould  suffice  ;  but  the  assembly  declared  that  they  could 
not  in  conscience  either  fight  or  hire  others  to  do  so ;  however, 
they  offered  the  queen  a  present  of  500/.  The  chief  objection 
made  was  to  the  amount ;  but  on  this  point,  pleading  poverty, 
they  stood  firm.  An  equal  sum  was  afterwards,  in  a  similar 
manner,  extracted  from  them. 

In  1710,  Penn,  having  reached  the  age  of  sixty-six,  sent  out 
a  solemn  remonstrance  on  the  fueds  and  discontent  in  which  the 
settlers  had  so  long  indulged.  Amid  the  satisfaction  of  seeing 
the  colony  free  and  flourishing,  their  disputes  had  been  to  him 
a  source  of  grief,  trouble,  and  poverty-  Recapitulating  the 
whole  train  of  his  proceedings,  he  appealed  to  them  whether  he 
had  given  any  real  cause  for  this  conduct ;  he  lamented  the  un- 
happiness  they  were  bringing  on  themselves,  as  well  as  the 
scandal  they  were  causing  in  the  eyes  of  Europe,  by  such  inces 
sant  contention.  This  appeal  was  not  unsuccessful ;  and  in  the 


228  SETTLEMENT  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

next  year  an  assembly  much  more  friendly  to  him  was  elected. 
It  is  doubtful,  however,  if  this  news  ever  reached  him.  Op 
pressed  with  embarrassment  and  losses  incurred  seemingly  with 
out  blame,  he  had  entered  into  a  treaty  with  government  for 
transfering  his  territorial  rights,  and  had  agreed  to  accept  for 
them  12,000/.  A  series  of  apoplectic  shocks,  however,  en 
tirely  deprived  him  of  his  faculties,  and  disabled  him  from 
completing  the  bargain,  so  that  the  property  remained  in  his 
family. 

The  favour  restored  to  Penn  was  not  extended  to  Gookin, 
whom  the  assembly  accused  of  arbitrary  measures,  and  of 
favouring  the  non-quaker  part  of  the  population.  In  1716,  he 
was  succeeded  by  Sir  William  Keith,  who,  during  the  illness  of 
the  founder,  was  named  by  the  king.  This  governor  enjoyed  a 
much  greater  degree  of  favour  than  any  of  his  predecessors, 
though  he  is  accused  of  purchasing  it  by  too  entire  an  ac 
quiescence  in  the  demands  of  the  assembly,  and  allowing  almost 
the  whole  power  to  pass  into  their  hands.  Such,  at  least,  was 
the  opinion  of  the  proprietaries,  who  considered  him  also  as 
neglecting  their  interest,  and  at  the  end  of  nine  years  removed 
him.  He  then  attempted  to  raise  a  factious  opposition,  but  was 
obliged  to  leave  the  colony.  After  a  peaceable  administration  of 
several  years  by  Major  Gordon,  Thomas  and  afterwards  John 
Penn,  sons  of  the  late  owner,  went  out  in  1732  and  1734. 
They  were  received  with  the  most  cordial  welcome,  though  the 
former  did  not  altogether  preserve  his  popularity. 

During  the  early  part  of  the  eighteenth  century,  the  char 
acter  of  the  population  underwent  a  gradual  change.  From 
the  first  a  large  proportion  had  been  drawn  from  Germany,  and 
Pennsylvania  became  the  favourite  resort  of  those  who,  by 
poverty  and  persecution,  were  driven  from  that  country.  A 
considerable  number,  who  felt  uneasy  in  the  neighbouring  states, 
joined  their  countrymen.  The  prevailing  sect  among  this  peo 
ple  was  the  branch  of  the  Anabaptists  called  Mennonites,  who, 
to  a  great  extent,  harmonized  with  the  Quakers,  both  in  their 


POPULATION  OF  PENNSYLVANIA.          229 

character  and  religious  views.  In  1755,  a  writer  estimates  that 
of  the  entire  population  of  two  hundred  and  twenty  thousand, 
nearly  a  half  were  Germans,  and  two-fifths  of  the  remainder 
disciples  of  Barclay.  The  threatening  attitude  which  the  French 
and  their  Indian  allies  had  now  assumed  along  the  back  settle- 
merits,  gave  so  much  force  to  this  complaint,  that,  in  1755,  an 
act  was  extorted  from  the  members  for  embodying  and  training 
a  regiment  of  provincial  militia.  The  Quakers  thenceforth 
withdrew  in  a  great  measure  from  public  affairs,  and  resigned 
that  power  which  they  had  held  upwards  of  seventy  years. 
They  had  not  exercised  it  with  all  the  moderation  which  would 
have  been  desirable  and  suitable  to  their  profession ;  yet  during 
this  long  period,  they  had  maintained  profound  peace  with  the 
Indians,  against  whom  other  states  had  waged  the  most  bitter 
hostilities.  Amid  the  reiterated  complaints,  too,  of  the  want 
of  provision  for  state  defence,  the  fact  was,  that  no  enemy  had 
ever  molested  its  borders.  They  soon  after  distinguished  them 
selves  by  the  noble  m?asure  of  generally  emancipating  their 
negro  slaves,  who  had  insensibly  increased  to  a  considerable 
number. 


m    _JSiii^:^ 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

SETTLEMENT  OF  NEW  YORK  AND  NEW  JERSEY. 

HILE  the  early  history  of  many  of  the 
colonies,  which  have  not  arisen  to  great 
importance  since,  is  marked  with  cir 
cumstances  of  deep  interest,  that  of 
New  York,  which  has  attained  to  the 
first  eminence  among  the  states,  is  com 
paratively  common  place  in  its  details. 

About  the  year  1600,  the  attention  of  the  English  and  Dutch 
had  been  directed  to  the  discovery  of  a  northern  passage  to  In 
dia,  which  they  hoped  might  at  once  be  shorter,  and  enable 
them  to  escape  the  still  formidable  hostility  of  Spain.  After 
this  object  had  been  vainly  pursued  by  Frobisher,  Davis, 
Barentz,  and  other  navigators,  it  was  resumed  by  Henry  Hud 
son.  In  1609,  while  in  the  service  of  the  Dutch  West  India 
Company,  he  discovered  the  river  Hudson,  and  sailed  up  it  as 
far  as  the  town,  which  now  bears  his  name. 

He  transmitted  to  the  Dutch  Company  a  flattering  report  of 
the  country  which  he  had  discovered,  strongly  recommending  a 
settlement. 

The  Dutch,  in  virtue  of  this  discovery,  claimed  the  country, 
and  in  1610,  a  few  individuals  fitted  out  a  vessel  for  traffic. 
Several  stations  were  formed  on  the  island  of  Manhattan  (the 
name  then  given  to  New  York,)  but  no  attempt  was  made  to 
colonize.  In  1613,  they  were  visited  by  Argall,  the  adven 
turous  English  captain,  who  compelled  them  to  own  the  do 
minion  of  his  country ;  but  as  no  steps  were  taken  to  follow  up 
this  advantage,  they  continued,  as  before,  to  trade  with  thr 
natives,  and  consider  the  land  their  own.  In  1614,  a  grant  of 
exclusive  commerce,  was  made  to  a  company  of  merchants,  who 
thereupon  erected  a  rude  fort,  and  pushed  their  operations  as 

(230) 


NEW  AMSTERDAM.  231 

high  as  Albany.  They  appear  at  the  same  time  to  have  formed 
a  station  at  the  mouth  of  the  Connecticut. 

In  1620,  American  settlement  was  attempted  on  a  grander 
scale,  by  the  formation  of  the  Dutch  West  India  Company,  in 
corporated  for  twenty-four  years.  Their  privileges  included  the 
whole  western  coast  of  Africa,  as  far  as  the  Cape,  with  all  the 
eastern  shores  of  America,  from  Newfoundland  to  the  Straits 
of  Magellan.  Over  this  vast  extent  they  had  the  exclusive 
right  to  conclude  treaties,  carry  on  war,  and  exercise  all  the 
functions  of  government.  No  notice  was  taken  in  the  grant, 
that  the  whole  of  this  territory  was  claimed,  and  many  parts 
occupied,  by  other  European  nations ;  nor  did  the  government, 
in  making  this  vast  donation  of  what  was  not  their  own,  pro 
mise  the  means  of  placing  it  in  the  company's  hands.  Their 
possessions,  accordingly,  were  fiercely  disputed,  and  most  pre 
cariously  held.  The  weakness  of  the  Portuguese  crown  en 
abled  them  to  grasp  large  portions  of  its  territory  in  Brazil  and 
on  the  African  coast.  In  North  America,  they  did  not  venture 
to  measure  their  strength  with  the  English,  but  were  content 
silently  to  enlarge  their  stations  on  the  Hudson,  which  the  lat 
ter  showed  no  disposition  to  occupy.  The  country  was  called 
New  Netherlands  ;  and  an  increasing  cluster  of  cottages,  where 
New  York  now  stands,  was  named  New  Amsterdam. 

As  yet  there  was  nothing  that  could  be  denominated  a  colony; 
but  in  1629,  government  interposed  to  establish  one  on  a  con 
siderable  scale.  It  was  planned  on  quite  an  aristocratic  basis; 
for,  though  lands  were  granted  to  detached  settlers,  the  chief 
dependence  was  on  opulent  individuals,  who  were  expected 
to  carry  out  bodies  of  tenants  at  their  own  expense ;  and 
those  who  should  transport  fifty  became  lords  of  .manors,  hold 
ing  the  absolute  property  of  the  lands  thus  colonized.  They 
might  even  possess  tracts  sixteen  miles  long,  and  be  furnished 
with  negroes,  if  they  could  profitably  do  so.  Several  of  them 
began  to  found  these  manors ;  two,  Godyn  and  De  Vries,  led 
out  thirty  settlers  to  the  head  of  Delaware  Bay,  laying  the 


232  SETTLEMENT  OF  NEW  YORK. 

first  foundation  of  that  state  ;  but  the  hatter  having  visited  home, 
found  on  his  return  that  it  had  been  attacked  by  the  Indians 
and  totally  destroyed.  The  whole  colony  was  unprosperous, 
and  very  hard  pressed  on  different  sides.  The  New  England 
settlement  in  Connecticut  soon  surrounded  their  little  station, 
obliged  them  to  give  way,  and  even  to  abandon  part  of  Long 
Island.  At  the  same  time,  the  Swedes,  then  in  the  height  of 
their  power  under  Gustavus  Adolphus,  planned  a  settlement, 
which  wras  zealously  supported  by  that  great  monarch,  who 
subscribed  400,000  dollars  in  its  favour.  They  fixed  on  the 
Bay  of  Delaware ;  and  though  Kieft,  the  governor  sent  from 
Holland,  entered  a  protest,  he  did  not  venture  to  employ  force 
against  the  conqueror  of  Lutzen.  Moreover,  Lord  Baltimore, 
having  just  obtained  his  patent  extending  northward  to  the 
latitude  of  40°,  intimated  his  claim  to  nearly  the  whole  of  the 
Dutch  territory.  All  these  annoyances,  however,  were  small 
compared  to  the  Indian  war,  in  which  the  atrocious  violence  of 
Kieft  involved  the  colony.  Attacking  by  surprise  a  party  who 
had  shown  some  hostile  dispositions,  he  commenced  a  general 
massacre,  in  which  nearly  a  hundred  perished.  Hence  raged 
during  two  years  a  contest,  accompanied  by  the  usual  horrors 
and  calamities,  and  which  effectually  checked  the  progress  of 
New  Netherlands.  At  length  a  treaty  was  negotiated,  in  which 
the  five  nations  were  included. 

A  few  years  after,  in  1646,  the  governor  was  recalled,  to  the 
great  satisfaction  of  the  people,  and  was  succeeded  by  Stuyve- 
sant,  a  military  officer  of  distinction,  brave,  honest,  and  with 
some  tincture  of  letters.  Adopting  a  wise  and  humane  policy 
towards  the  Indians,  he  succeeded  in  obviating  any  disturbance 
from  that  quarter.  By  negotiation  with  the  company,  he  ob 
tained  a  release  from  those  trammels  by  which  commerce  had 
hitherto  been  fettered,  substituting  moderate  duties  on  exports 
and  imports.  He  suffered,  however,  much  trouble  from  the 
English,  who  were  continually  extending  their  frontier  on  and 
beyond  the  Connecticut,  and  set  scarcely  any  limit  to  their 


SWEDISH  COLONY. 


233 


Governor  Stuyvesant. 


claims.  The  settlers  discouraged  greatly  any  idea  of  going  to 
•war  with  so  powerful  a  neighbour,  and  exhorted  him  to  gain 
the  best  terms  he  coyld  by  treaty.  By  large  concessions  he 
obtained  a  provisional  compact,  which  was  never  indeed  ratified 
in  Britain,  yet  obtained  for  his  people  some  security.  Stuyve 
sant  then  turned  his  eyes  on  the  other  side  to  the  Swedish 
colony,  which  had  prospered  and  become  a  commercial  rival. 
It  was  much  inferior,  however,  to  New  Netherlands,  while  the 
death  of  Gustavus  and  of  his  great  ministers  anngenerals,  suc 
ceeded  by  the  fantastic  sway  of  Christina,  rendered  her  country 
no  longer  formidable.  He  therefore,  with  the  sanction  of  his 
20* 


234  SETTLEMENT  OF  NEW  YORK. 

employers,  determined  to  rearmex  it,  for  which  some  violent 
proceedings  on  the  part  of  Risingh,  the  governor,  afforded  a 
fair  pretext.  Having  assembled  a  force  of  six  hundred  men,  he 
marched  into  Ne,w  Sweden,  as  it  was  termed,  which,  after  a  short 
resistance,  renounced  that  name,  and  became  incorporated  with 
the  Dutch  dependency.  A  few  of  the  settlers  returned  to  their 
native  country ;  the  rest  yielded  to  the  mild  sway  'of  the  con 
queror.  Stuy  vesant  was  next  annoyed  by  Lord  Baltimore,  who 
could  boast  that  his  charter  entitled  him  to  extend  his  borders 
to  NewT  England,  leaving  no  room  whatever  for  Newr  Nether 
lands  ;  but  as  his  pretensions  were  not  supported  by  any  ade 
quate  force,  they  were  easily  evaded. 

The  company,  though  they  did  not  grant  any  political  fran 
chises  to  the  colonists,  took  great  care  to  have  them  well 
governed,  and  to  check  those  despotic  practices  in  which  Stuy- 
vesant,  from  his  military  habits,  was  prone  to  indulge.  They 
prohibited  likewise  all  persecution,  and  studied  to  make  the 
country  a  refuge  for  professors  of  every  creed.  From  France, 
the  Low  Countries,  the  Rhine,  Northern  Germany,  Bohemia, 
the  mountains  of  Piedmont,  the  suffering  Protestants  flocked 
to  this  transatlantic  asylum.  Even  the  New  Englanders,  al 
lured  by  the  fine  climate  and  fertile  soil,  arrived  in  great  num 
bers,  and  formed  entire  villages.  It  therefore  became  expedient 
to  have  a  secretary  of  their  nation,  and  to  issue  proclamations 
in  French  and  English,  as  well  as  Dutch. 

Considering  the  long  and  imbittered  hostility  of  England 
against  the  Dutch,  it  may  appear  wonderful  that  she  did  not 
sooner  attempt  the  conquest  of  a  valuable  possession,  to  which 
she  had  so  plausible  a  title.  Cromwell,  in  fact,  had  projected  it, 
but  was  diverted  by  other  objects.  Charles  II.,  always  preju 
diced  against  that  people,  soon  adopted  the  same  resolution  ;  and 
even  before  a^y  measure  was  take'n  for  conquering  the  country, 
he  included  it  in  a  grant  made  to  his  brother  James,  of  the  terri 
tory  from  the  Kennebec  to  the  St.  Croix,  and  from  the  Connec 
ticut  to  the  Delaware.  To  make  good  this  donation,  Sir  Robert 


CONQUEST  1JY  THK  KMiLISH.  235 

Nichols  was  sent  out  with  an  expedition,  to  be  reinforced  by  a 
detachment  from  another  colony.  The  Dutch  had  for  some  time 
foreseen  the  crisis;  but,  unwilling  to  expend  their  funds  in  sending 
troops,  they  urged  the  governor. to  seek  means  of  defence  within 
his  own  dominions.  This,  from  circumstances  which  happened  in 
the  colony,  was  exceedingly  difficult;  and  though  Stuyvesant,  in 
this  emergency,  granted  the  demand  of  the  colonists  for  a  repre 
sentative  assembly,  it  was  too  late  to  inspire  confidence,  and  the 
people  declined  making  any  sacrifices  to  repel  a  power  from 
whom  they  hoped  more  liberal  treatment.  In  August,  1664, 
Nichols  cast  anchor  in  face  of  New  Amsterdam,  having  landed 
part  of  his  troops  on  Long  Island.  He  immediately  summoned 
the  city  to  surrender,  guarantying  to  the  people  their  property, 
the  rights  of  citizens,  their  ancient  laws  and  usages.  The  go 
vernor  attempted  by  delay  and  negotiation  to  parry  the  blow  ; 
but  the  other  declined  all  discussion,  and  the  principal  inhabitants, 
headed  by  Wirithrop  from  Connecticut,  assembling  in  the  town- 
hall,  determined  against  offering  any  resistance.  They  drew  up 
articles  of  surrender  conformable  to  the  demand  of  the  English 
officer,  which,  however,  Stuyvesant  refused  to  sign  till  the  place 
was  actually  in  the  enemy's  hands. 

The  colonists  were  disappointed  in  their  hope  of  augmented 
privileges,  having  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Duke  of  York 
(from  whom  the  state  derived  its  name),  one  who  afterwards 
showed  himself  willing  to  sacrifice  a  crown  in  the  attempt  to 
establish  absolute  power.  Under  his  direction,  Nichols  and  his 
successor  Lovelace  admitted  no  sharers  in  their  authority  except 
a  court  of  assizes,  composed  of  a  council  and  justices  of  the  peace, 
all  appointed  by  themselves.  In  the  governor  and  this  body 
was  vested  the  whole  power,  legislative,  executive,  and  judicial. 
The  arbitrary  imposition  of  taxes,  as  usual,  excited  the  strongest 
discontent.  Nichols  extracted  sums  of  money  by  declaring  new 
patents  necessary  for  the  Dutch,  on  which  fees  were  exacted. 
Lovelace  is  said  to  have  avowed  the  policy  of  laying  on  duties 
so  heavy,  that  the  people  might  have  leisure  to  think  of  nothing 


236  SETTLEMENT  OF  NEW  YORK. 

but  the  means  of  paying  them.  In  some  cases  payment  was  re 
fused;  and  from  different  quarters  such  warm  remonstrances 
appeared,  that  they  were  condemned  to  be  burned  by  the  common 
executioner.  In  these  circumstances,  hostilities  broke  out  be 
tween  England  and  Holland  ;  a  small  squadron,  under  Evertzen, 
appearing  before  New  York,  encountered  no  resistance ;  he  re 
gained  the  city  and  country  with  the  same  ease  and  rapidity  that 
Nichols  had  conquered  it.  The  war,  however,  was  occasioned 
by  the  famous  league  of  Louis  XIV.  and  Charles  II.,  entirely  to 
crush  the  Dutch  republic.  That  people  encountered  it  with 
glory  and  saved  themselves ;  but  in  such  a  hard  struggle,  they 
could  not  expect  to  secure  conquests.  It  was  honourable  for 
them  to  obtain  a  treaty,  stipulating  the  restoration  of  those  made 
on  each  side ;  but  on  this  ground  they  again  lost  New  York. 

The  duke  then  obtained  a  new  patent,  securing  more  ample 
powrers  than  ever  to  govern  the  inhabitants  by  such  ordinances  as 
he  or  his  deputies  should  establish.  Andros,  long  an  instrument 
of  despotism,  was  sent  out  as  governor,  but  encountered  in  some 
quarters  open  though  fruitless  opposition.  James  applauded  his 
energy  on  this  occasion,  as  well  as  his  prudence  in  "  discouraging 
all  mention  of  assemblies."  The  people,  however,  were  not  by 
any  means  patient  under  this  denial,  especially  when,  at  the  ex 
piration  of  three  years,  for  which  the  taxes  had  been  at  first  im 
posed,  they  were  renewed  during  an  equal  period,  without  the 
slightest  reference  to  themselves.  They  made  such  loud  com 
plaints  against  Andros,  that  he  was  recalled  to  answer  for  his 
conduct.  Soon  after,  Dyer,  collector  of  the  revenue,  was  cha  rged 
with  high  treason,  for  levying  taxes  without  authority  of  law', 
and  sent  to  England  for  trial.  Both  were  acquitted  ;  but  the 
duke  was  so  wrought  upon  by  these  violent  measures,  and  the 
importunity  of  the  colonists,  that  he  at  length  agreed  to  give  a 
representation.  It  was  to  consist  of  eighteen  members,  to  act  in 
conjunction  with  a  council  of  ten :  a  concession  which  was  less 
valued,  because  it  was  carried  into  execution  by  Dongan,  a  new 
governor,  who,  as  a  zealous  catholic,  was  held  in  horror.  The 


ABDICATION  OF  JAMES.  237 

assembly  was,  however,  called,  and  sat  two  sessions,  1683  and 
1684,  passing  several  laws,  which  were  confirmed  by  his  royal 
highness.  So  great,  on  the  whole,  was  the  satisfaction  felt,  that 
his  accession  to  the  throne  was  hailed  with  heartfelt  rejoicings. 
Bat  a  change  had  come  over  his  views,  or  rather  they  had  re 
lapsed  into  their  ordinary  channel.  The  charter  of  Massachusetts 
having  been  forfeited,  and  a  determination  formed  to  exclude  the 
people  from  all  representative  government,  it  would  have  been 
very  inconvenient  to  let  them  see  neighbours  possessing  what 
was  denied  to  themselves.  Instructions  were  accordingly  sent 
to  the  governor  to  call  no  more  assemblies,  but  to  centre  again 
the  legislative  power  in  his  own  person.  Jn  1688,  Andres  was 
sent  out  to  unite  New  York,  along  with  all  the  New  England 
states,  in  one  system  of  absolute  rule.  This  annexation  was 
peculiarly  odious  to  the  former,  in  whose  eyes  the  others  had 
always  been  objects  of  peculiar  dread  and  aversion.  Thus 
James,  as  the  time  approached  when  friends  would  be  so  much 
wanted,  studiously  converted  those  he  had  into  imbittered  ene 
mies.  The  first  rumours  of  his  downfall  were  received  with  equal 
joy  here  as  at  Boston.  As  soon  as  the  landing  of  the  Prince 
of  Orange  was  known,  a  multitude  rose  in  arms,  under  the  con 
duct  of  Jacob  Leisler,  a  foreign  merchant,  of  an  ardent  and  dar 
ing  character.  They  signed  a  declaration,  "  to  guard  the  fort, 
on  behalf  of  the  powers  now  governing  England,  to  be  surren 
dered  to  the  person,  of  the  protestanf  religion,  who  shall  be  sent 
to  take  possession  thereof."  The  council  found  themselves  un 
able  to  stem  the  torrent,  and,  without  attempting  to  defend  the 
place,  requested  Nicholson,  the  lieutenant-governor,  to  proceed  to 
England  in  order  to  represent  to  \Villiam  the  state  of  affairs, 
doubtless  to  influence  him  in  favour  of  their  own  party,  and  re 
present  the  declarants  as  turbulent  and  seditious.  The  latter, 
however,  being  left  in  the  full  possession  of  power,  called  an 
assembly  of  the  people,  \vho  were  joined  by  two  deputies  from 
Connecticut.  A  committee  of  safety  was  appointed,  having 


238  SETTLEMENT  OF  NEW  YORK. 

Leisler  at  their  head,  who  was  also  placed  in  command  of  the 
fort. 

The  king,  meantime,  hefore  being  apprized  of  these  proceed 
ings,  sent  orders  to  Nicholson  to  continue  for  the  present  to  ad 
minister  affairs.  But  this  functionary  had  set  out  for  London 
before  the  instructions  arrived,  when  Leisler,  finding  them  ad 
dressed  to  the  absent  officer,  "  or  to  such  as  for  the  time  execute 
the  law,"  chose  to  consider  them  as  applying  to  himself,  and 
thereupon  assumed  the  title  and  duties  of  governor.  He  held 
two  assemblies,  arid  concluded  a  treaty  with  New  England, 
agreeing  to  raise  nine  hundred  men  for  their  mutual  defence. 
But  though  supported  by  a  majority,  he  was  opposed  by  a 
powerful  party,  who  disowned  his  authority,  and  insulted  him 
even  in  the  capital ;  while  open  resistance  \vas  raised  in  the  dis 
trict  of  Albany.  The  opposition  wras  put  down,  but  not  without 
violent  measures,  which  inflamed  still  further  the  enmity  of  its 
supporters,  and  excited  a  degree  of  general  odium.  William, 
meantime,  always  disposed  to  employ  the  agents  of  his  despotic 
predecessor,  was  guided  by  the  advice  of  Nicholson,  and,  taking 
no  notice  of  Leisler's  pretensions,  sent  Colonel  Sloughter  to  ad 
minister  the  government.  This  officer  did  not  arrive  till  March, 
1691,  when  he  found  the  other  most  unwilling  to  relinquish  the 
reins  of  power,  which  he  had  held  upwards  of  two  years.  Pre 
tending  that  the  colonel's  commission  was  defective,  and  that 
only  an  authority  under  the  king's  hand  could  be  held  sufficient, 
he  refused  to  surrender  the  fort,  or  own  him  as  chief  ruler.  But 
a  large  party  arrayed  themselves  in  arms  against  him,  while  his 
adherents,  dreading  the  superior  influence  of  the  mother-country, 
afforded  only  timid  support.  He  tendered  his  submission  ;  but 
the  new  governor  refused  it,  seized  his  person,  and  issued  a 
special  commission  to  try  him  :  he  and  his  associates  were  con 
demned  to  death,  and  the  sentence  was  executed  upon  himself 
and  Milbourne,  his  principal  adviser.  This  punishment,  consider 
ing  his  former  services,  was  regarded  as  exceedingly  severe. 
The  Parliament  accordingly  passed  an  act  reversing  the  attain- 


STRIFES  IN  THE  COLONY. 

der  ;  and  the  privy  council,  though  they  declared  the  sentence  to 
be  legal,  recommended  the  restoration  of  the  forfeited  estates. 
There  remained  a  strong  party  attached  to  his  memory,  and 
zealous  in  upholding  the  franchises  of  the  colony. 

Sloughter  dkd  suddenly  soon  after  his  arrival,  and  was  suc 
ceeded  by  Colonel  Fletcher,  an  able  officer,  but  intemperate  and 
domineering.  As  the  assembly  strenuously  maintained  their 
privileges,  he  was  speedily  involved  in  violent  contests  with 
them ;  arising  chiefly  out  of  his  attempt  to  introduce  an  Episco 
pal  establishment,  to  which  he  was  bigotedly  attached.  By 
great  exertions,  he  contrived  to  obtain  an  act  of  assembly  sanc 
tioning  it ;  but  that  body  annexed  a  clause  giving  to  the  people 
the  entire  choice  of  their  own  ministers.  Another  favourite 
object  was  to  obtain  the  command  of  the  militia  of  Connecticut ; 
but  when  he  went  thither,  the  colonists,  following  an  old  pre 
cedent,  caused  the  drums  to  beat,  by  which  his  voice  was  en 
tirely  drowned.  Astonished  at  this  determination,  he  thought 
it  best  to  retreat  to  his  own  jurisdiction  ;  and  the  legal  authori 
ties  at  home  decided  against  him.  At  length,  rinding  that  the 
American  assemblies  were  not  to  be  intimidated,  he  gave  up  the 
attempt,  and  his  latter  years  were  tranquil. 

In  1698,  he  was  succeeded  by  the  Earl  of  Bellamont,  who, 
having  been  highly  popular  in  New  England,  seems  to  have 
desired  to  pursue  a  similar  course  in  this  colony.  Unfor 
tunately,  he  found  it  rent  by  the  most  violent  dissensions  be 
tween  the  partisans  of  the  unfortunate  Leisler  and  their  aristo 
cratic  opponents.  He  studied  to  soothe  the  former,  and  aided  in 
procuring  from  the  assembly  a  grant  of  1000/.  to  the  son  of 
that  leader.  His  administration,  however,  was  too  short  to  en 
able  him  to  overcome  the  prevailing  dissensions.  It  was  unfor 
tunate  for  him  that  Kidd,  whom  he  employed  in  the  important 
object  of  suppressing  piracy,  betrayed  his  trust,  and  became 
himself  a  robber  on  the  high  seas,  for  which  he  was  sent  to 
Britain,  tried,  and  executed. 

Bollamont  died,  in  1701,  p.nd  wus  succeeded  by  Lord  Corn- 


240  SETTLEMENT  OF  NEW  YORK. 

bury,  a  degenerate  descendant  of  the  Earl  of  Clarendon.  En 
tirely  opposite  to  his  predecessor,  he  showed  an  imbittered 
enmity  to  the  popular  party,  accompanied  by  a  bigoted  attach 
ment  to  Episcopacy,  and  hatred  of  all  other  forms  of  religion. 
He  seconded  also  the  attempts  made  by  Dudley  to  subvert  the 
charter  of  Connecticut.  Indulging  in  extravagant  habits,  he 
squandered  large  sums  of  the  public  money,  and  contracted 
debts,  the  payment  of  \vhich  his  official  situation  enabled  him 
to  evade.  He  thus  rendered  himself  odious  and  contemptible 
to  all  parties,  who  united  in  a  firm  remonstrance  to  Queen  Anne, 
and  induced  her  to  revoke  his  commission.  No  longer  protected 
by  the  privileges  of  office,  he  was  thrown  into  prison,  and  ob 
tained  liberation  only  when  the  death  of  his  father  raised  him 
to  the  peerage. 

Lord  Lovelace  succeeded,  who,  on  his  arrival,  made  a  de 
mand,  destined  to  cause  much  dissension,  for  a  permanent  salary 
to  the  governor.  Yet  his  general  deportment  was  popular 
and  satisfactory ;  but  he  lived  only  a  few  months.  The  reins 
were  then  held  for  a  short  time  by  Ingoldsby,  who  also  made 
himself  very  acceptable  ;  and  in  1710,  the  office  was  filled  by 
Sir  Robert  Hunter,  a  man  of  wit  and  talent,  by  which  he  had 
raised  himself  from  a  low  rank  in  society.  lie  went  out,  how 
ever,  strongly  imbued  with  the  monarchical  principle,  and  de 
termined  to  resist  the  claims  of  the  assembly.  In  advancing 
the  demand  for  a  fixed  income,  he  made  use  of  very  offensive 
expressions,  insinuating  doubts  of  their  right  to  appropriate 
the  public  money,  and  suspicions  that  it  wrs  the  government, 
not  the  governor,  whom  they  disliked.  In  the  council  also,  the 
doctrine  was  advanced,  that  the  assembly  existed  only  "  by  the 
mere  grace  of  the  crown."  The  latter  body  strenuously  vindi 
cated  their  rights,  and  refused  to  grant  more  than  a  temporary 
provision.  They  remonstrated  strongly  also  against  the  esta 
blishment  of  a  Court  of  Chancery,  suspected  to  be  with  a  view 
of  increasing  his  emoluments.  On  this  ground  there  seemed 
great  hazard  of  a  collision  ;  but  Hunter,  being  a  sensible  man, 


BURNET'S  ADMINISTRATION.  241 

and  seeing  their  very  strong  determination,  deemed  it  expedient 
to  yield  ;  and,  during  his  latter  years,  he  studied  with  success 
to  maintain  harmony  among  the  different  branches  of  the  ad 
ministration. 

He  was  succeeded  by  Burnet,  a  son  of  the  celebrated  bishop 
and  historian,  an  accomplished,  amiable  man.  He  appears  to 
have  zealously  studied  the  welfare  of  the  colony ;  he  became 
very  generally  popular ;  and  was  particularly  successful  in  gain 
ing  over  the  Indian  tribes.  His  attempt,  however,  to  maintain 
the  obnoxious  Court  of  Chancery,  involved  him  in  violent  dis 
putes  with  the  assembly.  On  the  advice  of  a  few  patriotic  but 
indiscreet  individuals,  he  adopted  the  injurious  measure  of  pro 
hibiting  all  commercial  intercourse  between  New  York  and 
Canada.  The  pretext  was,  that  the  French  merchants  bought 
up  the  furs  brought  to  Albany  and  other  markets  in  the  interior. 
This,  if  true,  must  have  arisen  from  the  fact  that  they  dealt  on 
more  liberal  terms  than  the  English  ;  yet  the  latter  were  so  far 
from  demanding  this  monopoly,  that  they  exclaimed  against  it 
as  ruinous  to  them,  making  such  loud  complaints,  that  in  1720, 
Burnet  was  removed,  though  compensated  with  the  government 
of  Massachusetts. 

After  a  short  interval,  the  direction  of  affairs  wras  assumed  in 
1732  by  Colonel  Cosby,  a  man  of  such  a  violent  character  as 
created  general  aversion  to  him.  Strong  interest  wras  excited 
by  the  trial  of  Zenger,  editor  of  a  journal  which  had  attacked 
his  administration;  but  through  the  exertions  of  Hamilton,  an 
eminent  advocate,  he  was  triumphantly  acquitted.  Cosby  died 
in  1736,  and  was  followed  by  Clarke,  who,  having  given  scarcely 
more  satisfaction,  yielded  the  place  in  1741  to  Clinton,  who  ruled 
upwards  of  ten  years  with  considerable  success  and  popularity. 
His  successor,  Sir  Danvers  Osborne,  suffered  severely  by  the 
discovery,  in  1754,  of  very  arbitrary  instructions  transmitted  to 
him  from  home.  A  great  ferment  \vas  thus  kindled,  but  gradually 
subsided  ;  and  we  shall  find  New  York  by  no  means  forward  in 
the  cause  of  independence. 
21 


242  SETTLEMENT  OF  NEW  JERSEY. 

NEW  JERSEY,  being  a  branch  detached  from  the  state  just 
named,  will  be  considered  most  advantageously  in  connexion  with 
that  colony.  When  Nichols,  in  1664,  made  the  conquest  of  the 
united  territory,  the  tract  along  the  seacoast,  from  the  west  end 
of  Long  Island  to  the  Delaware,  appeared  to  him  the  most  fa 
vourable  for  settlement.  He  invited  thither  farmers  from  New 
England,  who  already  displayed  a  migratory  and  enterprising 
character,  and,  going  in  considerable  numbers,  formed  along  the 
shore  a  range  of  villages.  While  Nichols,  however,  was  exult 
ing  in  the  success  of  these  efforts,  he  was  struck  with  dismay  by 
a  commission  being  presented  to  him,  in  which  the  Duke  of  York 
constituted  Lords  Berkeley  and  Carteret  proprietors  of  this  whole 
line  of  coast.  It  had  been  granted  even  before  the  news  of  the 
conquest  arrived,  and  it  may  be  presumed  that  a  pecuniary  con 
sideration  was  given,  though  nothing  transpired  on  that  subject. 
Chagrined  beyond  measure,  he  addressed  to  the  duke  a  long  let 
ter,  complaining  that  he  had  unguardedly  parted  with  the  most 
valuable  portion  of  his  patent,  leaving  New  York  almost  with 
out  a  territory.  Not  choosing  to  accuse  the  proprietors  of  hav 
ing  deceived  his  grace,  he  throws  the  blame  on  a  Captain  Scot, 
who  he  declared  was  born  to  work  mischief.  The  guaran 
tees,  it  is  urged,  should  be  made  to  accept  a  tract  of  one  hundred 
thousand  acres  on  the  Delaware,  which,  by  an  expenditure  of 
£20,000,  might  yield  profit,  not  to  themselves,  perhaps,  but  to 
their  children's  children.  The  duke,  however,  honourably  deter 
mined  to  adhere  to  his  engagement. 

The  proprietors,  in  order  to  invite  settlers,  granted  franchises 
of  some  importance.  One  was  an  assembly,  half  at  least  of  the 
members  of  which  were  to  be  representatives,  and  without  whose 
consent  no  tax  could  be  imposed.  The  owners  reserved  to  them 
selves  the  veto  and  judicial  appointments ;  but  they  permitted  full 
freedom  of  religious  worship.  Carteret  went  out  as  governor, 
and  in  compliment  to  him  the  colony  was  called  New  Jersey* 
The  profit  of  the  proprietors  was  to  arise  solely  from  a  quit-rent 
of  Id.  an  acre,  to  be  levied  only  at  the  end  of  five  years.  All  went 


DIVISION  OF  JERSEY.  243 

on  smoothly  till  that  term  arrived,  when  the  settlers,  being  called 
upon  for  payment,  showed  very  little  disposition  to  comply. 
They  urged,  that  they  had  purchased  their  lands  from  the  Indians, 
and  it  was  extremely  hard,  after  advancing  a  price,  to  be  required 
to  give  a  rent  also.  Discontents  rose  so  high,  that  Carteret  was 
obliged  to  leave  the  colony,  and  a  natural  son  of  Uis  own  was 
elected  in  his  room.  Soon  afterwards,  the  country  was  conquered 
by  the  Dutch  ;  and  on  its  restoration  next  year,  the  people  peace 
ably  received  back  their  old  governor,  who  "gratified  them  by 
postponing  to  a  later  period  the  demand  for  quit-rents,  and  by 
other  concessions.  The  proprietors,  however,  were  considerably 
annoyed  by  the  rulers  of  New  York,  who,  claiming  rights  of 
jurisdiction  and  taxation,  particularly  sought  to  prevent  any  trade, 
unless  through  the  medium  of  their  capital.  James  does  not  seem 
to  have  been  disposed  to  sanction  any  actual  breach  of  the  ori 
ginal  contract;  and  Jones,  the  chief  justice,  reported  on  the  most 
essential  points,  in  favour  of  the  settlers.  The  local  power,  how 
ever,  of  the  greater  colony,  wielded  by  the  impetuous  Andros, 
was  successfully  exerted  to  harass  them  in  various  modes. 

Meantime,  as  late  as  1674,  Lord  Berkeley,  disappointed  in  the 
hopes  with  which  he  had  embarked  in  the  undertaking,  sold  half 
his  territory  for  10QO/.  to  a  party  of  Quakers,  among  whom  the 
chief  were  Byllinge,  Fenwick,  and  William  Penn.  In  arranging 
with  Carteret,  who  still  retained  his  share,  it  was  found  most 
convenient  to  divide  the  province  into  two  parts  ;  these  were 
called  East  and  West  Jersey, — the  latter  being  assigned  to  the 
new  owners.  But  the  duke,  whose  concurrence  was  required  to 
the  transaction,  took  the  opportunity  of  reasserting  his  dominion 
over  that  portion,  which  was  subjected  to  the  arbitrary  rule  and 
taxation  of  New  York.  Jones,  however,  decided  that,  there 
having  been  no  reservation  of  such  claims  in  the  original  grant, 
they  could  not  be  now  legally  enforced.  Hence, in  1680,  the 
province  was  delivered  in  full  right  to  the  proprietors,  whose 
object  was  to  render  the  .place  an  asylum  for  the  persecuted 
Quakers,  a  considerable  number  of  whom  were  soon  assembled. 


244  SETTLEMENT  OF  NEW  JERSEY. 

It  became  necessary  to  gratify  them  by  a  constitution,  based  on 
principles  of  liberty,  and  even  of  equality  ;  and  tbey  made  preten 
sions  to  the  election  of  their  own  governor. 

In  1682,  Carteret,  finding  little  satisfaction  in  his  possession 
of  New  Jersey,  sold  all  his  rights  to  another  body  of  twelve 
Quakers,  §enn  being  again  one.  The  new  owners,  with  a  view 
to  extend  their  influence,  added  to  their  number  twelve  more 
of  different  professions, — the  principal  of  whom  was  the  Duke 
of  Perth,  a  nobleman  of  great  power  in  Scotland.  His  object 
was  to  offer  an  asylum  to  the  Presbyterians  of  that  country, 
under  the  iniquitous  persecution  to  which  they  were  exposed. 
Hunted  like  wild  beasts  from  place  to  place,  it  was  justly 
thought  that  many  would  gladly  accept  a  home  in  the  New 
World.  A  considerable  number  were  accordingly  conveyed 
thither,  and  they  formed  a  laborious,  useful,  and  respectable 
class  of  settlers. 

Nothing,  however,  could  secure  them  against  the  determina 
tion  formed  by  James  to  subvert  the  rights  of  all  the  colonies, 
and  establish  in  them  a  completely  despotic  administration. 
Andros,  without  any  express  authority,  began  to  exercise  both 
jurisdiction  and  taxation ;  and  as  these  were  strenuously  re 
sisted, — the  juries  refusing  to  convict  under  them, — complaints 
were  sent  home  of  their  insubordination.  The  duke  hereupon, 
forgetting  all  his  former  pledges,  ordered,  in  April,  1686,  that 
writs  of  quo  wafranto  should  be  entered  against  both  East  and 
West  Jersey,  "  which  ought  to  be  more  dependent  on  his  ma 
jesty."  The  proprietors,  having  in  vain  attempted  to  deprecate 
this  measure,  at  length  deemed  it  expedient  to  surrender  their 
patent,  only  soliciting  a  grant  securing  their  title  to  the  soil ; 
but,  before  the  transaction  could  be  completed,  it  was  inter 
rupted  by  the  Revolution,  which  left  them  so  feeble,  however, 
that  the  country  is  represented  as  remaining  nearly  in  a  state  of 
anarchy  till  1702,  when  they  were  induced  to  surrender  all  their 
political  powrers  to  the  crown.  The  two  Jerseys  were  then 
reunited,  and  were  governed  from  that  time  as  a  royal  colony. 


CHAPTER   IX. 

CAROLINA   AND   GEORGIA. 

HILE  emigration  proceeded  so  actively 
in  various  parts  of  North  America,  the 
regions  south  of  Virginia,  though  of 
vast  extent,  and  presenting  many  natu 
ral  advantages,  had  attracted  little  at 
tention.  The  Spaniards,  as  long  as  they 
could,  jealously'  guarded  this  coast  ;  and  the  bloody  catastrophe 
of  the  first  French  settlement  was  long  remembered  with  terror. 
Raleigh's  original  establishment  had  been  formed  within  this 
range ;  and  its  tragical  results,  though  not  connected  with  the 
situation,  threw  a  gloom  over  all  the  recollections  associated 
with  it.  Yet  flattering  rumours  were  still  spread  ;  and  as  the 
older  settlements  became  crowded,  detachments  began  to  over 
flow  into  this  unoccupied  tract.  The  river  Nansemond,  on  the 
immediate  border  of  Virginia,  had  been  very  early  settled;  and 
colonists  thence  found  their  way  to  the  banks  of  the  Chowan, 
and  the  shores  of  Afbemarle  Sound.  Much  farther  to  the  south, 
a  body  of  enterprising  New  Englanders  had  purchased  from  the 
Indians  a  district  around  Cape  Fear.  Sir  Robert  Heath,  in 
1630,  obtained  a  patent ;  but  having  been  unable  to  fulfil  the 
conditions,  it  was  declared  forfeited. 

The  reign  of  Charles  II.  was  a  period  of  large  grants;  for, 
having  many  claims  upon  him  while  he  had  little  to  give,  he  was 
ready  to  bestow  colonial  rights.  On  the  24th  March,  1663,  the 
whole  coast,  from  the  36th  degree  of  latitude  to  the  river  San 
Matheo,  was  granted  under  the  name  of  Carolina  to  a  tody  of 
highly  distinguished  personages,  among  whom  were  Monk,  Duke 
of  Albemarle,  Lord  Clarendon,  Lord  Ashley  Cooper,  afterwards 
Earl  of  Shaftesbury,  Lord  Berkeley,  and  his  brother  Sir  William, 
Governor  of  Virginia.  Their  privileges  were  as  usual  extensive, 

21  *  (245) 


246 


SETTLEMENT  OF  CAROLINA. 


Lord  Clarendon. 


and  seem  to  have  been  in  a  great  measure  copied  from  those 
granted  in  the  case  of  Maryland.  The  present  occupants  could 
only  be  considered  as  squatters  ;  yet,  as  men  were  much  wanted, 
the  utmost  encouragement  was  given  to  them  to  remain,  while 
others  were  invited.  Political  and  personal  immunities,  more 
ample  than  were  possessed  by  the  neighbouring  colonies,  or  were 
satisfactory  to  the  views  of  some  of  the  proprietors,  were  not 
withheld.  Berkeley,  who  brought  additional  emigrants  from  Vir 
ginia  to  Albemarle  Sound,  placed  them  under  Drummond,  a  pru 
dent  and  popular  governor.  A  party  of  planters  from  Barbadoes, 
induced  to  remove  to  this  congenial  climate,  were  settled  on  Cape 
Fear  River,  near  the  New  Englanders,  and  ruled  by  Sir  John 
Yeamans,  one  of  their  own  number.  A  few  shipbuilders  were 
also  obtained  from  the  Bermudas. 

In  1G65,  the  proprietors,  still  high  in  favour  with  Charles, 
obtained   a  new  patent  with  much  larger  privileges.      Their 


NEW  CONSTITUTION.  247 

territory  was  now,  without  regard  to  Spanish  claims,  extended 
to  the  Pacific,  while  they  were  impowered  to  create  titles  and 
orders  of  nobility.  This  appears  to  have  been  preparatory  to 
the  formation  of  what  was  intended  to  be  a  monument  of  human 
wisdom, — a  constitution  for  the  new  colony.  It  was  undertaken 
by  Shaftesbury,  the  ablest  statesman  of  the  age,  who  employed 
upon  it  Locke,  the  illustrious  philosopher ;  and  its  object  was  to 
transport  into  the  New  World  the  varied  ranks  and  aristocratic 
establishments  of  Europe.  Two  orders  of  nobility  were  to  be 
instituted,  the  higher,  of  landgraves  or  earls,  the  lower,  of  caciques 
or  barons.  The  territory  was  to  be  divided  into  counties,  each 
containing  four  hundred -and  eighty  thousand  acres,  with  one 
landgrave  and  two  caciques,  a  number  never  to  be  increased  or 
diminished.  There  were  also  to  be  lords  of  manors,  entitled, 
like  the  nobles,  to  hold  courts,  and  exercise  judicial  functions. 
Those  possessing  fifty  acres  were  to  be  freeholders;  but  the 
tenants  held  no  political  franchise,  and  could  never  attain  any 
higher  rank.  All  the  estates  wrere  to  sit  in  one  chamber.  The 
proprietaries  were  always  to  continue  eight  in  number,  to  possess 
the  whole  judicial  power,  and  have  the  supreme  direction  of  all 
the  tribunals.  One  was  to  take  cognisance  of  ceremonies  and 
pedigrees,  of  fashions  and  sports.  But  it  is  needless  to  enter  into 
farther  details  of  a  constitution  which  never  did  nor  could  have 
any  practical  existence.  It  must  remain  a  striking  proof  how 
unfit  the  ablest  men  are  to  legislate  for  a  society  with  whose 
condition  and  circumstances  they  are  not  intimately  acquainted. 
Nothing  could  exceed  the  surprise  of  the  colonists  when  this 
elaborate  system  was  transmitted  to  them,  with  an  urgent  call 
for  its  immediate  adoption.  Albemarle,  the  chief  settlement, 
could  scarcely  number  fourteen  hundred  working  hands;  how 
then  was  it  to  furnish  its  landgraves,  its  caciques,  its  barons? 
The  proprietors,  on  a  representation  of  this  state  of  affairs,  were 
obliged  to  own  that  their  magnificent  system  could  not  yet  be 
carried  into  full  execution  ;  but  they  required  its  introduction  so 
far  as  circumstances  allowed,  and  its  completion  to  be  kept 


248  SETTLEMENT  OF  CAROLINA. 

constanntly  in  view.  Meanwhile,  a  series  of  temporary  laws  were 
established,  until  the  inhabitants  should  be  ripe  for  the  fundamental 
constitutions.  They  had  formed,  however,  a  simple  code  adapted 
to  their  circumstances,  which  they  preferred  to  one  by  which  the 
popular  privileges  were  materially  abridged  ;  and  its  abrogation 
for  a  merely  provisional  system  would  have  taken  away  every 
thing  stable  and  permanent  in  their  political  position.  As  Miller, 
who  acted  as  administrator  and  collector  of  the  revenue,  had  not 
given  them  satisfaction,  they  rose  in  a  body,  imprisoned  him  and 
most  of  the  council,  seized  the  public  funds,  appointed  magis 
trates  and  judges,  called  a  Parliament,  and  in  short  took  into 
their  hands  all  the  functions  of  government.  Culpepper,  the 
ringleader,  came  to  England  to  plead  their  cause,  a  step  which 
certainly  does  not  seem  to  indicate  consciousness  of  guilt ;  but  he 
was  arrested  and  brought  to  trial  for  high  treason.  Shaft esbury, 
by  his  eloquence  and  popular  influence,  procured  his  acquittal, 
pleading  that  there  had  been  no  regular  government  in  Albe- 
marle,  so  that  these  disorders  could  only  be  considered  as  feuds 
among  the  several  planters. 

The  proprietors  found  themselves  in  an  embarrassing  situation, 
unwilling  to  yield  to  the  colonists  and  renounce  their  darling 
constitutions,  yet  neither  desirous  nor  very  able  to  reduce  them 
by  force.  They  resolved,  therefore,  to  send  out  as  governor 
Seth  Sothel,  one  of  their  own  body,  who  had  previously  pur 
chased  Lord  Clarendon's  share,  and  whose  territorial  rights 
would,  they  hoped,  command  respect.  The  colonists  soon  seized 
his  person,  and  were  about  to  send  him  to  England  to  answer  to 
the  owners  for  the  charges  brought  against  him.  Sothel  pre 
ferred  to  abide  the  judgment  of  the  assembly  themselves ;  a  cir 
cumstance  which,  joined  to  the  sentence,  seems  to  indicate  that 
his  conduct  was  not  extremely  atrocious.  After  finding  all  the 
accusations  proved,  they  merely  banished  him  from  the  colony  for 
a  single  year,  and  declared  him  incapable  of  ever  again  holding 
the  office  of  governor.  The  proprietors,  though  troubled  at  these 
stretches  of  power,  yet,  owning  the  complaints  to  be  just,  and 


ACCESSIONS  OF  EMIGRANTS.  249 

having  been  themselves  wronged,  sanctioned  the  proceedings, 
and  nominated  Philip  Ludwell  as  their  representative. 

Meantime,  they  were  bestowing  a  more  special  attention  on 
the  southern  colony.  In  1670,  they  sent  out  a  considerable 
number  of  settlers  under  William  Sayle,  who  was  named  gover 
nor.  He  died  soon  after,  and  his  place  was  supplied  by  Sir  John 
Yeamans,  once  a  Barbadoes  planter,  who  had  acquired  a  good 
reputation  in  his  command  at  Cape  Fear.  He  wras  speedily  ac 
cused,  however,  of  sordid  proceedings,  in  carrying  on  all  the 
little  trade  of  the  colony  for  his  own  advantage.  Affairs  were 
in  many  respects  unsatisfactory.  The  proprietors,  like  other 
similar  bodies,  already  discovered  that  the  colony,  instead  of  a 
mine  of  wealth,  was  a  constant  drain ;  they  had  expended  on  it 
upwards  of  ^£18,000,  without  any  return,  but,  on  the  contrary, 
had  to  encounter  new  demands.  They  were  therefore  not  un 
willing  to  remove  Yeamans  in  order  to  make  room  for  West,  a 
favourite  of  the  settlers.  During  his  residence  of  eight  years, 
he  enjoyed  a  popularity  rare  among  transatlantic  rulers.  The 
colony  flourished  ;  for,  besides  emigrants  sent  over  by  the  pro 
prietors,  a  considerable  tide  flowed  in  from  various  quarters. 
The  poor  cavaliers,  considering  it  to  have  been  founded  upon 
their  own  principles,  sought  it  as  a  place  where  they  might  re 
trieve  their  fortunes.  A  number  of  Dutch  in  New  York,  dis 
satisfied  with  their  transference  to  British  rule,  thought,  it 
scarcely  appears  for  what  reason,  that  they  would  be  more  at 
ease  in  this  new  settlement ;  and  some  of  their  countrymen  from 
Europe  were  induced  to  follow.  The  revocation  of  the  edict 
of  Nantz,  and  the  persecution  of  the  Protestants  by  Louis  XIV. 
during  his  bigoted  dotage,  drove  out  a  large  body  of  most  re 
spectable  emigrants.  A  small  party  proceeded  from  Ireland, 
and  another  from  Scotland  under  Lord  Cardross ;  but  the  latter 
were  unfortunate,  being  nearly  all  destroyed  by  the  Indians. 
This  influx  was  considered  to  afford  an  inducement  for  the  erec 
tion  of  a  city.  One  was  early  founded  on  a  high  ground,  above 
Ashley  River,  named  Charleston ;  but  afterwards  another  spot, 
13* 


250  SETTLEMENT  OF  CAROLINA. 

called  Oyster  Point,  at  the  junction  of  that  stream  with  the 
Cooper,  was  considered  so  much  more  eligible  that  the  site  was 
changed.  The  choice  was  happy  ;  and  it  has  since  become  the 
chief  emporium  of  the  southern  states. 

West  was  succeeded,  in  1682,  by  Moreton,  and  the  latter,  in 
1686,  by  Colleton,  a  brother  of  one  of  the  proprietors,  and  en 
dowed  with  the  rank  of  landgrave.  Under  these  governors,  the 
spirit  of  faction,  which  had  in  some  degree  slumbered,  broke 
forth  with  extreme  violence.  An  obstinate  dispute  was  waged 
between  the  three  counties  of  Berkeley,  Craven,  and  Colleton, 
respecting  the  number  of  members  that  should  be  sent  from  each 
to  the  assembly  :  that  body  also  proposed  two  acts  which  can 
not  be  applauded,  with  a  view  to  relieve  the  scarcity  of  money. 
It  was  the  purpose  of  the  one  to  raise  the  value  of  the  coin,  and 
of  the  other  to  suspend  the  payment  of  foreign  debts.  The  first 
was  carried,  whence  arose  a  depreciation  of  the  Carolina  cur 
rency,  which  afterwards  became  extreme.  The  other  was  re 
jected  by  the  proprietors  with  reprobation.  This  was  not  well 
brooked  by  the  assembly,  who  began  to  contest  the  legality  of 
the  fundamental  constitutions,  and  to  demand  their  original  char 
ter.  Discontents  ran  so  high,  that  the  people,  in  1687,  elected 
an  assembly  expressly  to  resist  whatever  the  governor  should 
propose ;  and,  in  1690,  they  passed  an  act  banishing  him  from 
the  province.  Amid  this  ferment,  appeared  Seth  Sothel,  the  re 
jected  of  North  Carolina  ;  and  such  was  the  influence  of  party, 
that  he  found  no  difficulty  in  occupying  the  place  of  his  un 
popular  predecessor,  and  in  calling  a  parliament,  which  sanc 
tioned  all  his  proceedings.  The  proprietors  were  beyond  mea 
sure  astonished  to  hear  of  such  a  person  setting  up  against  them 
as  a  leader  supported  by  the  people.  They  sent  out  the  strictest 
orders  for  his  immediate  recall,  appointing  in  his  place  Philip 
Ludwell,  with  instructions,  however,  to  examine  and  report  as 
to  any  real  grievances.  The  chief  complaint  was  found  to  be 
against  "  the  fundamental  constitutions  ;"  and  as  there  appeared 
no  serious  prospect  of  carrying  into  execution  that  famous  code, 


RELIGIOUS  DIFFICULTIES.  251 

it  was,  in  1693,  finally  abrogated.  Caciques,  landgraves,  and 
barons  were  swept  away,  and  the  labours  of  Shaftesbury  and 
Locke  were  given  to  the  winds.  It  may  be  observed  that  James 
II.,  on  his  usual  despotic  principle,  had  prepared  a  quo  warranto 
against  the  charter;  but  the  proprietors,  opening  a  treaty  for  its 
surrender,  on  condition  of  replacing  the  funds  expended  on  it, 
spun  out  the  affair  till  that  monarch  became  no  longer  an  object 
of  dread. 

These  arrangements  did  not  fully  secure  tranquillity ;  and  a 
new  source  of  dissension  was  afforded  by  the  numerous  body  of 
French  Protestant  refugees.  Most  of  the  original  settlers,  zea 
lously  attached  to  the  church  of  England,  viewed  with  aversion 
both  their  religious  and  national  peculiarities,  and  refused  to  ad 
mit  them  to  the  rights  of  citizenship.  At  this  treatment  they 
wrere  justly  indignant ;  and  disputes  rose  so  high,  that  the  pro 
prietors  sent  out  one  of  their  own  body,  John  Archdale,  a  Qua 
ker,  with  full  power  to  investigate  and  redress  grievances.  He 
conducted  himself  with  great  prudence,  and,  though  he  could 
not  procure  for  the  new-comers  all  the  desired  privileges,  suc 
ceeded  in  greatly  allaying  their  discontent.  After  remaining  a 
year,  he  left  as  his  successor  Joseph  Blake,  who  steadily  pur 
sued  the  same  system,  by  which,  in  a  few  years,  the  parties  wrere 
reconciled,  and  the  French  admitted  to  all  the  rights  of  citizens. 

Blake  died  in  1700,  and  was  succeeded  by  Moore,  who,  two 
years  after,  sought  to  distinguish  himself  by  the  capture  of  the 
French  capital  of  St.  Augustine.  He  himself,  with  the  main 
force,  proceeded  by  sea,  while  Colonel  Daniel,  with  a  party  of 
militia  and  Indians,  marched  by  land.  The  latter  arrived  first, 
and  took  possession  of  the  town,- obliging  the  enemy  to  retreat 
into  the  castle  ;  but  the  governor  considered  that  post  so  strong, 
as  to  render  it  necessary  to  send  to  Jamaica  for  more  artillery. 
On  the  appearance,  ho\vever,  of  two  Spanish  ships,  he  was 
seized  with  a. panic  alleged  to  be  groundless,  and  precipitately 
raising  the  siege,  returned  by  land  to  Carolina.  This  repulse 


252  SETTLEMENT  OF  CAROLINA. 

was  not  only  very  mortifying,  but  entailed  on  the  colony  a  heavy 
debt,  which  it  could  ill  bear. 

In  1706,  the  Spaniards  endeavoured  to  retaliate,  and,  aided 
by  their  French  allies,  equipped  a  considerable  armament. 
Their  admiral,  Le  Feboure,  with  five  ships  of  war,  forthwith 
summoned  the  capital ;  but  the  governor,  Sir  Nathanial  John 
son,  who  had,  with  great  spirit,  though  inadequate  means,  pre 
pared  for  defence,  sent  an  indignant  defiance.  The  invader, 
whose  main  land-force  had  not  yet  arrived,  imprudently  sent  on 
shore  a  small  detachment,  which  was  immediately  attacked  and 
cut  off.  This  success  inspired  such  courage,  that  Captain  Rhett, 
with  six  small  vessels,  sailed  against  the  enemy,  who,  struck 
with  alarm,  immediately  retired.  Soon  after,  an  additional 
armament  appeared,  and  a  body  of  troops  were  landed ;  but  the 
English,  flushed  with  victory,  attacked  them  with  such  resolu 
tion,  that  both  they  and  their  ships  were  captured. 

After  some  years  of  repose,  the  colony  \vas  involved  in  all 
the  horrors  of  Indian  war ;  the  origin  of  which  is  difficult  to 
trace,  though  the  settlers  throw  the  whole  blame  upon  the  na 
tives.  It  is  manifest  that  they  waged  it  with  deep  treachery 
and  ferocity,  and  yet  there  seems  room  to  suspect  that  they  had 
heavy  wrongs  to  avenge.  The  first  burst  was  from  the  Tus- 
caroras,  on  the  frontier  of  North  Carolina,  whose  attack  against 
the  settlements  on  the  Roanoke  was  made  with  the  usual  secrecy 
and  rapidity,  and  above  a  hundred  perished  before  measures  of 
defence  could  be  adopted.  This  was  all  that  could  be  done  till 
aid  was  procured  from  South  Carolina,  whence  Captain  Barn- 
well,  with  six  hundred  militia  and  three  hundred  and  sixty  In 
dians,  penetrated  the  intervening  wilderness,  defeated  the  enemy, 
and,  pursuing  them  to  their  main  fortress,  obliged  them  to  sur 
render.  They  soon  after  migrated  northwards,  and  formed  a 
union  with  the  Five  Nations. 

A  more  formidable  struggle  awaited  South  Carolina.  The 
Indians  on  its  border  had  long  been  united  with  the  colonists  in 
alliance  and  common  hostility  to  the  Spaniards.  When  the 


MASSACRE  OF  PORT  ROYAL.  258 

treaty  of  Utreeht  had  terminated  the  European  \var  with  the 
latter  people,  the  natives  soon  announced  that  they  had  dined 
•with  the  Governor  of  Florida,  and  washed  his  face, — a  sure 
pledge  of  alliance.  The  colonists,  who  did  not  suspect  that 
the  enmity  was  to  be  transferred  to  them,  allege  that  it  was 
fomented  by  their  old  enemies ;  but  the  charge  seems  scarcely 
supported  by  any  overt  act.  Certain  it  is,  that  the  Yemassees, 
Creeks,  Cherokees,  and  all  the  tribes  from  Cape  Fear  to  the 
shores  of  the  gulf,  amounting  to  six  thousand  men,  became  united 
in  one  grand  confederacy  to  exterminate  the  English  name.  Their 
preparations  \vere  enveloped  as  usual  in  profound  secrecy ;  and, 
even  on  the  previous  evening,  when  some  suspicious  circumstances 
were  noticed,  they  gave  the  most  friendly  explanation.  In  the 
morning  the  work  of  blood  commenced  in  the  vicinity  of  Port 
Royal,  where  about  ninety  of  the  planters  perished  ;  but  the  peo 
ple  of  the  place,  happily  finding  a  vessel  in  the  harbour,  crowded 
on  board,  and  were  conveyed  to  Charleston.  The  Indians 
collected  from  all  sides,  and  advanced  upon  that  capital ;  two 
detachments,  which  attempted  to  stop  their  progress,  were  sur 
prised  or  ensnared,  and  suffered  severely.  Craven  the  governor, 
however,  having  mustered  twelve  hundred  men  fit  to  bear  arms, 
succeeded  in  stopping  their  progress ;  upon  which,  having  col 
lected  all  his  strength,  and  receiving  a  reinforcement  from  North 
Carolina,  he  marched  to  the  attack  of  their  grand  camp.  The 
struggle  was  long  and  fierce, — the  Indians  having  stationed 
themselves  in  a  broken  and  entangled  spot,  fitted  for  their  wild 
manoeuvres.  At  length  they  were  completely  defeated,  and 
soon  after  driven  beyond  the  limits  of  the  colony. 

The  termination  of  this  contest  was  immediately  followed  by 
violent  internal  disturbances.  The  settlers  had  many  grounds 
of  complaint  against  the  proprietors,  who  had  r.ot  afforded  any 
pecuniary  aid  during  the  late  sanguinary  contest.  At  its  close 
the  assembly  passed  acts  bestowing  the  lands  whence  the  Indians 
had  been  expelled  upon  such  persons  as  might  choose  to  occupy 
them  ;  on  the  faith  of  which  a  party  of  five  hundred  emigrated 
22 


254  SETTLEMENT  OF  CAROLINA. 

from  Ireland.  But  the  proprietaries;  annulling  this  grant,  caused 
them  to  be  ejected,  and  the  tract  divided  into  baronies  for  their 
own  benefit.  They  disallowed  other  laws,  which  the  colonists 
were  extremely  desirous  to  obtain,  and  sent  orders  to  the  gover 
nor  to  sanction  none  which  had  not  been  previously  submitted  to 
themselves.  They  reposed  their  entire  confidence  in  Trott,  the 
chief  justice,  who  was  even  accused  of  malversation  in  his  office  ; 
but  the  complaints  against  him  from  the  people,  and  even  the 
governor,  were  disdainfully  rejected.  This  discontent,  long  fer 
menting,  broke  out  openly  on  a  "report  of  invasion  from  the  Ha- 
vanna.  In  this  emergency  the  assembly  refused  to  vote  any  sup 
plies  ;  a  bond  of  union  was  drawn  up,  and  signed  by  almost  all 
the  inhabitants.  They  transmitted  a  proposal  to  Johnson  that 
he  should  continue  to  hold  his  office  in  the  name  of  the  king  ; 
but  as  he  declined  the  offer,  Colonel  Moore  was  elected.  The 
other  made  some  attempts  to  compel  submission,  but  found  his 
force  inadequate.  The  issue  of  the  whole  transaction,  however, 
depended  on  the  view  which  might  be  taken  by  the  crown, 
always  disposed  to  favour  any  arrangement  that  might  extend 
its  prerogative.  The  king,  being  absent  in  Hanover,  had  left 
the  government  in  the  hands  of  a  regency,  who,  qri  examining 
the  case,  decided  that  the  proprietors  had  forfeited  their  char 
ter,  and  ordered  proceedings  to  be  instituted  for  its  dissolution. 
Acting  certainly  with  great  promptitude,  as  if  this  were  already 
effected,  they  named  Sir  Francis  Nicholson  governor,  under  a 
commission  from  his  majesty.  That  person,  distinguished  in  other 
stations  for  his  active  talents,  had  been  accused  of  arbitrary 
maxims ;  but  in  Carolina  he  seems  to  have  laid  these  aside, 
and  rendered  himself  extremely  acceptable.  He  made  great  ex 
ertions  to  provide  for  religious  instruction,  and  for  the  diffusion 
of  education.  Through  an  alliance  with  the  Creeks  and  Chero- 
kees,  he  secured  the  frontier,  which  had  been  considerably  ha 
rassed  by  Indian  incursions. 

In  1729,  the  transactions  of  the  proprietors  were  finally  closed 
by  a  deed  surrendering  all  their  rights  into  the  hands  of  the 


EFFECTS  OF  SLAVERY.  255 

crown.  They  received  in  return  17,500/.,  with  5000/.  frr  arrears 
of  rent  amounting  to  9000/. ;  but  Lord  Carteret,  while  resigning 
all  political  power,  preferred  to  retain  his  claim  to  property  in  the 
soil,  of  which  an  ample  portion  was  assigned  to  him.  The  colo 
nists  were  gratified  by  the  entire  remission  of  their  quit-rents. 
In  1694,  the  captain  of  a  vessel  from  Madagascar,  having  touched 
at  Carolina,  had  presented  the  governor  with  a  bag  of  rice, 
which  being  distributed  among  several  farmers,  throve  so  re 
markably,  that  it  had  already  become  a  staple  of  the  settlement; 
and  the  privilege  was  now  granted  of  exporting  this  article  direct, 
to  any  part  of  Europe  southward  of  Cape  Finisterre.  North  and 
South  Carolina,  too,  which  in-  point  of  fact  had  always  been  dis 
tinct,  and  their  occupied  parts  even  distant  from  each  other, 
were  now  finally  declared  to  be  two  colonies,  each  to  have  its 
separate  governor. 

From  this  era  their  affairs  held  a  pretty  uniform  course,  diver 
sified  only  as  the  character  of  the  successive  governors  was  popu 
lar  or  otherwise.  They  continued  to  draw  numerous  bodies  of 
emigrants ;  and  their  career,  both  of  agriculture  and  commerce, 
W7as  extremely  prosperous.  This,  it  is  painful  to  add,  was  in  a 
great  measure  effected  by  large  importations  of  negro  slaves,  which 
enabled  the  wealthy  to  cultivate  plantations  on  an  extensive 
scale,  and  without  personal  labour.  It  appears  also  that  re 
proach  was  incurred  by  the  harshness  with  which  these  captives 
were  treated  ;  and  serious  alarms  of  insurrection  were  entertained. 
To  guard  against  this  danger,  they  petitioned,  in  1742,  to  be 
allowed  to  raise  and  maintain  three  independent  companies  ;  a 
boon  which,  though  refused  at  first,  was  finally  granted.  These 
colonies  derived  a  considerable  accession  from  the  rebellion  of  1745, 
at  the  close  of  which  many  adherents  of  the  vanquished  cause 
were  allowed  to  seek  shelter  in  the  western  plantations,  and  in 
duced  by  various  circumstances  to  prefer  the  Carolinas.  The 
discovery  of  indigo,  as  a  native  production,  afforded,  in  addition 
to  rice,  another  article  for  which  a  sure  demand  would  be' found 
in  Europe.  About  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century,  too, 


256  SETTLEMENT  OF  GEORGIA. 

\vhen  the  other  colonies  began  to  have  at  least  their  best  lands 
appropriated,  this,  which  was  still  comparatively  unoccupied, 
drew  settlers  from  them,  especially  from  Pennsylvania.  Although 
estates  along  the  coast  were  become  scarce,  valuable  tracts  re 
mained  in  the  interior,  to  which  these  American  emigrants  were 
pleased  to  resort. 

After  all  that  had  been  done  before  1732,  for  the  peopling  of 
Carolina,  there  remained  a  large  district  between  the  Savannah 
and  the  Alatamaha,  claimed  by  Britain,  yet  completely  uninha 
bited.  This  disadvantage  was  more  felt  from  its  being  bordered, 
not  only  by  powerful  Indian  tribes,- but  by  the  Spaniards  in  Flo 
rida  and  the  French  in  Louisiana  ;  both  having  claims  which,  if 
circumstances  favoured,  they  could  plausibly  advance.  The 
planters  were  particularly  anxious  to  have  a  settlement  formed, 
that  might  stand  like  a  wall  between  them  and  these  trouble 
some  neighbours,  but  were  much  at  a  loss  for  persons  who  would 
voluntarily  station  themselves  in  a  situation  so  unpleasant. 
Circumstances  arose  in  England  which  afforded  a  prospect  of 
supplying  this  want. 

General  Oglethorpe,  a  soldier,  brave,  honourable,  and  humane, 
moved  an  inquiry,  in  1728,  into  the  treatment  and  condition  of 
persons  confined  in  the  prisons  of  England,  and  in  the  following 
year  presented  a  report  upon  this  subject.  It  was  found  that, 
under  the  extremely  bad  management  then  prevalent,  many  per 
sons  imprisoned  for  debt  or  minor  offences  were  treated  most 
tyrannically,  deprived  of  common  comforts,  and  their  morals  far 
ther  injured  by  the  associates  with  whom  they  were  compelled 
to  mingle.  Many  of  them,  even  if  liberated,  could  not  have  re 
turned  to  the  world  with  any  prospect  of  comfort  or  advantage ; 
and  hence  it  occurred  that  to  them  a  residence  in  the  new  conti 
nent  might  form  an  extremely  desirable  change.  They  could 
not  be  fastidious  as  to  the  situation,  and  might  there  be  formed 
into  military  colonies,  as  a  barrier  to  the  other  states.  The  con 
version  and  improvement  of  the  Indians  entered  into  this  gene- 


ARRIVAL  OF  OGLETHORPE. 


257 


General  Oglethorpc. 


rous  plan.  It  was  intrusted  to  a  body  of  eminent  persons, 
who  undertook  to  act  as  trustees,  not  entering,  like  former 
associations,  into  a  mercantile  speculation  for  profit,  but  from 
philanthropic  motives  devoting  their  time  and  contributions  to  the 
object.  They  were  to  administer  the  colony  during  twenty-one 
years,  after  which  it  was  to  revert  to  the  crown.  It  was  named 
Georgia,  from  the  reigning  monarch ;  and  Oglethorpe,  with 
whom  the  whole  scheme  had  originated,  undertook  to  act  gra 
tuitously  as  governor.  A  general  enthusiasm  prevailed  through 
out  the  nation  ;  large  sums  were  subscribed  by  benevolent  indi 
viduals;  and  Parliament,  in  the  course  of  two  years,  voted 
36,000/.  for  the  purpose. 

In  the  end  of  1732,  Oglethorpe,  with  a  party  of  a  hundred  and 
sixteen,  sailed  for  the  new  settlement.  Having  touched  on 
their  way  to  South  Carolina,  his  followers  were  most  hospitably 


258  SETTLEMENT  OF  GEORGIA. 

received  ;  and  on  their  arrival,  he  made  it  his  first  object  to 
conciliate  the  neighbouring  Indians,  belonging  to  the  powerful 
race  of  the  Creeks.  His  efforts,  guided  by  sincerity  and  discre 
tion,  were  crowned  with  success.  He  prevailed  upon  Tomo- 
chichi,  the  head  of  this  savage  confederacy,  to  meet  him  at 
Savannah,  accompanied  by  fifty  other  petty  chiefs,  called  kings. 
This  aged  person,  expressing  his  ideas  as  usual  by  outward 
symbols,  presented  to  the  governor  the  skin  of  a  buffalo,  on  the 
inside  of  W7hich  the  head  and  feathers  of  an  eagle  were  painted. 
This  indicated  the  swiftness  and  power  of  the  English,  and  also, 
by  its  softness  and  warmth,  the  love  and  protection  which  the 
Indians  expected  from  them.  This  chief  was  even  induced  to 
visit  Britain,  where  he  met  with  many  attentions,*  and  had  an 
audience  of  George  II.,  whom  he  presented  with  a  bunch  of 
eagles'  feathers,  saying,  "  These  are  a  sign  of  peace  in  our  land, 
and  have  been  carried  from  town  to  town  there.  We  have 
brought  them  over  to  leave  them  with  you,  O  great  king,  as  a 
token,  of  everlasting  peace.  O  great  king,  whatever  words  you 
shall  say  unto  me,  I  will  faithfully  tell  them  to  all  the  kings  of 
the  Creek  nation."  In  1734,  the  town  of  Augusta  was  founded 
on  the  Upper  Savannah,  with  a  view  to  local  trade.  During  the 
same  year,  two  successive  parties  wyent  out,  amounting  to  five 
or  six  hundred,  of  whom  one  hundred  defrayed  their  own  ex 
penses.  About  one  hundred  and  fifty  Highlanders  were  induced 
to  join  the  colony,  being  well  fitted  for  its  military  objects.  A 
party  of  Moravians  also  arrived,  whose  industrious  habits  were 
likely  to  be  of  great  advantage  ;  arid  by  a  report  of  the  trustees 
in  1740,  it  appeared  that  twenty-five  hundred  emigrants  had 
been  sent  out,  at  an  expense  of  80,000/.  John  and  Charles 
Wesley,  then  only  known  as  zealous  clergymen,  were  prevailed 
upon  to  accept  livings  in  the  colony. 

Notwithstanding  these  promising  appearances,  and  this  most 
zealous  support,  Georgia  did  not  prosper.  The  proprietors  began 
with  a  series  of  regulations,  w?ell  meant  indeed,  but  carried  to  an 


ATTACK  ON  ST.  AUGUSTINE.  259 

extreme,  and  with  little  attention  to  existing  circumstances.  A 
complete  prohibition  was  imposed  on  the  introduction  of  rum, 
and  even  on  all  commercial  intercourse  with  the  West  Indies. 
The  importation  of  negroes  was  forbidden  ;  a  laudable  measure, 
but  indignantly  endured  by  the  colonists,  who  saw  much  wealth 
accruing  to  Carolina  from  their  employment.  The  lands  were 
most  injudiciously  granted  in  small  lots  of  twenty-five  acres,  on 
condition  of  military  service,  and  with  that  view  descending 
only  to  heirs-male.  The  settlers  soon  began  to  display  those 
faults  which,  from  their  previous  condition,  might  have  been  an 
ticipated.  Complaints  were  made  against  the  Wesleys  for  their 
extreme  rigidness,  their  peculiar  forms  of  worship,  and  for  giving 
their  confidence  to  unworthy  persons,  who  made  false  pretences 
of  piety.  Feuds  rose  so  high,  that  both  L  ft  the  colony.  White- 
field,  founder  of  the  rival  sect  of  Methodists,  went  out  in  1740, 
with  a  particular  view  to  establish  an  orphan  asylum,  which  did 
not  succeed ;  but  his  zealous  and  eloquent  though  somewhat 
rude  addresses  produced  a  strong  impression,  and  were  supposed 
to  effect  considerable  good. 

Affairs  were  rendered  still  farther  critical  by  the  Spanish 
wrar,  which,  after  long  irritation  and  petty  aggression,  broke 
out  in  1738.  Oglethorpe  determined  to  attack  St.  Augustine, 
the  capital  of  Florida.  Great  preparations  were  made  for  this 
enterprise ;  Virginia  and  the  Carolinas  furnished  a  regiment,  as 
well  as  120,000/.  currency ;  and  an  Indian  force  undertook  to 
assist.  The  governor,  who  was  thus  enabled  to  make  an  in 
vasion  with  two  thousand  men,  reduced  two  forts  successively; 
but  the  castle  of  St.  Augustine  itself  was  found  too  strongly 
fortified  to  allow  a  reasonable  hope  of  reducing  it,  unless  by 
blockade.  This  he  expected  to  accomplish  by  the  aid  of  a 
strong  flotilla,  which  came  to  co-operate  with  him.  It  proved, 
however,  a  very  discouraging  service  for  his  undisciplined 
warriors ;  and  the  Indians,  disgusted  by  an  expression  of  hor 
ror  at  their  cruelty  which  escaped  him,  went  ofT.  The  High- 


260  SETTLEMENT  OF  GEORGIA. 

landers,  his  best  troops,  were  surprised,  and  a  number  cut  to 
pieces ;  while  the  militia  lost  courage,  broke  the  restraints  of 
discipline,  and  deserted  in  great  numbers.  It  proved  impossible 
to  prevent  the  enemy  from  procuring  a  reinforcement  and  large 
supply  of  provisions.  In  short,  matters  were  in  so  adverse  a 
state,  that  he  had  no  alternative  but  to  raise  the  siege,  and  re 
turn  with  his  armament  seriously  shattered,  and  his  reputation 
impaired. 

The  Spaniards,  two  years  after,  in  1742,  attempted  to  re 
taliate,  and  Monteano,  governor  of  St.  Augustine,  with  thirty- 
two  vessels  and  three  thousand  men,  advanced  to  attack  Fred- 
erica.  Oglethorpe's  force  was  very  inadequate,  and  the  aid 
from  the  north  both  scanty  and  very  slow  in  arriving ;  yet  he 
acted  so  as  completely  to  redeem  his  military  character.  By 
skilfully  using  all  the  advantages  of  his  situation,  he  kept  the 
enemy  at  bay ;  then  by  various  stratagems  conveyed  such  an 
exaggerated  idea  both  of  his  actual  force  and  expected  rein 
forcements,  that  they  ultimately  abandoned  the  enterprise,  with 
out  having  made  one  serious  attack. 

Georgia  was  thus  delivered  from  foreign  dangers;  but  she 
continued  to  suffer  under  her  internal  evils.  The  colonists  com 
plained  that  absurd  regulations  debarred  them  from  rendering 
their  productions  available,  and  kept  them  in  poverty.  Num 
bers  removed  to  South  Carolina,  where  they  were  free  from 
restraint ;  and  the  Moravians,  being  called  upon  to  take  arms 
contrary  to  their  principles,  departed  for  Pennsylvania.  Great 
efforts  were  made,  as  formerly  in  Virginia,  to  produce  silk,  but 
for  the  same  reasons  without  any  success.  In  1752,  the  twenty- 
one  years  had  expired  ;  and  the  trustees,  finding  that  their  well- 
meant  endeavours  had  produced  only  misery  and  discontent,  re 
linquished  the  charge.  Georgia  became  a  royal  colony,  and  the 
people  were  left  at  full  liberty  to  use  all  the  means,  good  and 
bad,  of  advancing  themselves  ;  lands  were  held  on  any  tenure 
that  best  pleased  them  ;  negroes  and  rum  were  imported  without 


CONDITION  OF  THE  COLONY. 


261 


restriction ;  and  a  free  intercourse  was  opened  with  the  West 
Indies.  Thenceforth  it  was  on  a  footing  with  South  Carolina, 
and  advanced  with  equally  rapid  steps,  but  exhibiting  a  some 
what  ruder  character. 


CHAPTER   X. 

GENERAL  AFFAIRS  OF  THE  COLONIES  TO  THE  PEACE  IN  1764. 

NTIL  the  close  of  the  war  in  1763, 
the  colonies,  of  which  we  have  thus 
delineated  the  origin  and  progress,  were 
altogether  unconnected.  Each  had  been 
founded  on  a  separate  basis,  by  distinct 
and  even  hostile  classes.  Between  neigh 
bouring  communities,  where  no  senti 
ment  of  unity  reigns,  jealousies  almost  inevitably  arise;  ami 
these  were  aggravated  by  boundary  disputes  and  other  contend 
ing  claims.  Some  governors,  particularly  Nicholson,  recom 
mended  the  union  of  several  of  them  under  one  head ;  but  these 
were  men  of  arbitrary  temper,  who  urged  this  measure  on  the 
home  administration  as  a  mode  of  extending  the  power  of  the 
crown,  and  keeping  down  the  increasing  spirit  of  independence. 
Such  communications,  when  they  transpired,  heightened  not  a 
little  the  antipathy  already  felt  to  the  proposed  measure. 

There  was,,  however,  one  object  by  which  all  the  colonies 
were  roused  to  a  most  zealous  co-operation.  It  might  have 
seemed  a  hardship  that  the  successive  wars  between  Britain  and 
France  should  be  transferred  to  their  rising  settlements  beyond 
the  Atlantic ;  but  the  inhabitants  by  no  means  felt  it  as  such, 
and  required  only  permission,  in  order  to  rush  with  fury  against 
each  other.  The  old  national  antipathy  was  remarkably  strong 
in  this  ruder  society ;  the  difference  of  creed  made  the  contests 
be  viewed  somewhat  as  religious  wrars  ;  and  the  contrast  be 
tween  an  absolute  and  a  free  government  appeared  peculiarly 
striking  on  the  English  side,  where  maxims  almost  republican 
prevailed.  At  first  the  colonies  followed  in  the  footsteps  of  the 
mother-country  ;  but  as  their  magnitude  and  importance  in- 


WAR  WITH  THE  FRENCH.  263 

creased,  the  flame  arose  among  themselves, .  and  was  thence 
communicated  to  Europe. 

Even  so  early  as  1629,  Sir  David  Kirk,  having  equipped  a 
fleet,  surprised  and  took  Quebec;  but  that  infant  settlement,  to 
which  little  value  was  then  attached,  was  restored  at  the  peace 
in  1632.  A  severe  collision,  however,  arose  in  consequence  of 
the  support  afforded  by  the  English  from  New  York  to  the  Five 
Nations,  in  the  long  and  terrible  war  waged  by  them  against 
the  French  in  Canada.  It  was  mostly  carried  on  by  skirmishes, 
in  a  covert  manner,  and  without  regular  sanction  from  either 
power.  But  after  the  Revolution  of  1688,  open  hostilities  en 
sued  between  the  two  nations,  and  Britain  again  determined  to 
strike  a  blow  against  the  enemy's  power  beyond  the  Atlantic. 
Acadia  was  subdued  with  little  resistance,  and  Sir  William 
Phipps,  with  thirty-four  vessels  and  a  large  body  of  troops, 
reached  Quebec.  He  did  not,  however,  display  the  requisite 
promptitude ;  and  through  the  able  defence  made  by  Count 
Frontignac,  was  obliged  to  re-embark  without  effecting  his  ob 
ject.  An  attempt  against  Montreal  was  also  defeated  by  the 
ability  of  Des  Callieres.  The  contest  was  suspended  by  the 
peace  of  1697,  when,  to  the  great  discontent  of  the  inhabitants, 
Acadia  was  restored  to  France.  During  the  war  of  the  Spanish 
succession,  two  expeditions,  the  one  in  1704,  and  the  other  in 
1707,  failed  in  achieving  the  conquest  of  that  province;  but 
General  Nicholson,  in  September,  1710,  finally  annexed  it,  under 
the  title  of  Nova  Scotia,  to  the  British  crown.  He  proceeded 
afterwards  to  make  a  grand  effort  against  the  Canadian  capital, 
which  was  frustrated  by  the  shipwreck  of  his  squadron  near  the 
Seven  Islands.  Still  the  force  of  England  was  considered  so 
superior,  that  she  must  ultimately  have  triumphed,  had  not  the 
contest  been  terminated  in  1713  by  the  peace  of  Utrecht.  France 
retained  Canada,  but  was  obliged  to  cede  Acadia  and  Newfound 
land  ;  also  to  make  over  to  Britain  her  claims  to  the  sovereignty 
of  the  Five  Nations. 

A  long  peace  now  followed,  and  though  jealousies  continued, 


264  GENERAL  AFFAIRS  OF  THE  COLONIES. 


Wreck  of  the  Fleet. 


no  open  hostilities  ensued  till  1744,  when  the  war,  which  Bri 
tain  had  for  several  years  \vaged  with  Spain,  was  extended  to 
France.  The  -latter  power,  though  deprived  of  Nova  Scotia  by 
the  treaty  of  Utrecht,  had  retained  Cape  Breton,  and  erected 
upon  it  Louisburg,  which,  by  an  expenditure  of  1,200,000/.,  was 
supposed  to  have  been  rendered  one  of  the  strongest  of  modern 
fortresses.  The  New  England  colonies,  however,  having,  with 
characteristic  ardour,  determined  to  attack  it,  raised  four  thousand 
men,  and  placed  them  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Pepperel, 
who,  on  the  30th  April,  1745,  took  the  enemy  somewhat  by  sur 
prise.  Being  seconded  by  the  fleet  under  Admiral  Warren,  he  in 
seven  weeks  reduced  this  grand  bulwark  of  their  power  in  Ame 
rica  ;  and  though  they  made  several  vigorous  efforts,  they  did  not 
succeed  in  retrieving  this  disaster.  Nevertheless,  at  the  treaty  of 
Aix-la-Chapelle  in  1748,  the  colonists  had  the  mortification  to 


FRENCH  AGGRESSIONS.  265 

see  the  fruits  of  their  valour  snatched  from  them,  Cape  Breton 
being  restored  in  exchange  for  some  continental  advantages, 
which  were.more  highly  prized  by  the  British  king  and  ministry. 
They  expressed  the  deepest  discontent,  and  hesitated  not  even 
to  charge  the  government  at  home  with  a  desire  to  maintain  the 
power  of  Louis,  in  order  to  check  the  spirit  of  internal  inde 
pendence. 

The  French,  meantime,  had  become  inspired  with  an  eager 
desire  to  extend  their  North  American  possessions.  Having  at 
various  points  been  brought  into  contact  with  the  back  settle 
ments  of  their  rival,  they  had  been  generally  successful  in  gaining 
the  alliance  of  the  Indians,  from  whose  warlike  character  import 
ant  aid  was  expected.  They  made  the  most  active  movements 
in  New  Brunswick,  hoping  thence  to  penetrate  into  Nova  Scotia, 
where  they  would  find  a  population  originally  French,  and  still 
strongly  attached  to  the  country  of  their  fathers.  But  the  en 
terprises  which  caused  the  greatest  inquietude  took  place  along 
the  Ohio  and  the  Mississippi.  The  colonists  had  already,  at 
different  points,  penetrated  the  barrier  of  the  Alleghany,and  be 
gun  to  discover  the  value  of  the  country  extending  to  those 
mighty  streams.  The  enemy,  on  the  other  hand,  in  virtue  of 
certain  voyages  made  in  the  preceding  century,  by  Marquette  and 
La  Salle,  claimed  the  whole  range  of  the  Mississippi,  by  attain 
ing  which,  their  settlements  in  Canada  and  New  Orleans  wrould 
be  formed  into  one  continuous  territory.  This  pretension,  if 
referred  to  that  peculiar  law  according  to  which  Europeans  have 
divided  America  among  themselves,  seems  not  wholly  unfounded. 
They  had  added,  however,  a  more  exorbitant  claim  to  all  the 
streams  falling  into  the  great  river,  which  would  have  carried 
them  to  the  very  summit  of  the  Allegheny,  and  have  hemmed  in 
the  British  colonists  in  a  manner  to  which  they  were  by  no 
means  disposed  to  submit.  The  banks  of  the  Ohio  became  the 
debateable  ground  on  which  this  collision  mainly  took  place. 

The  British  were  so  confident  of  their  right,  that  in  1749,  an 
association  of  merchants  was  formed  in  London,  combined  with 
23 


266  GENERAL  AFFAIRS  OF  THE  COLONIES. 

Virginian  planters,  called  the  Ohio  Company,  who  received  from 
the  crown  a  grant  of  six  hundred  thousand  acres  on  that  river. 
Similar  donations  were  made  to  other  parties,  who  could  not  with 
any  degree  of  safety  turn  them  to  account,  in  the  face  of  such 
pretensions  as  the  French  advanced  and  showed  a  determination 
to  support.  These  assumed  so  menacing  a  character,  that  Mr. 
Dinwiddie,  governor  of  Virginia,  under  instructions  from  home, 
judged  it  necessary  to  send  a  commissioner  to  examine  the  state 
of  affairs  on  that  frontier,  to  confer  with  the  French  commander, 
and  urge  him  to  desist  from  farther  encroachment.  This  little 
expedition  is  memorable  from  the  command  being  intrusted  to 
Major  George  Washington,  a  youth  of  twenty-one,  whose  steady 
and  intelligent  character  already  pointed  him  out  for  this  deli 
cate  employment.  He  departed  on  the  31st  October,  1753,  an<? 
after  many  difficulties  in  travelling  five  hundred  and  sixty  miles 
across  a  rugged  part  of  the  Alleghany,  arrived  at  the  station  of 
M.  de  St.  Pierre.  He  was  received  with  all  the  national  cour 
tesy  and  urbanity  ;  but  after  two  days  an  answer  was  returned, 
couched  in  respectful  yet  determined  language.  The  command 
ant  described  himself  as  only  a  military  man,  who  could  decide 
nothing  on  such  an  application,  which  ought  to  be  addressed  to 
the  MarquisDu  Quesne,  governor  of  Canada,  under  whom  he  acted, 
and  whose  orders  he  was  bound  to  obey.  Moreover,  the  inferior 
officers  at  a  frontier  post,  after  an  evening  entertainment  given 
to  the  major,  becoming  heated  with  wine,  announced,  even  with 
an  oath,  their  absolute  intention  to  take  possession  of  the  Ohio. 
Washington  had  observed  on  his  way  the  position  at  the  junction 
of  the  Alleghany  and  Monongahela,  termed  the  two  forks  of 
that  river,  and  strongly  recommended  that  it  should  be  fortified. 
He  held  communication  with  a  number  of  Indians,  who  expressed 
a  friendly  disposition  to  his  countrymen,  and  a  jealousy  of  the 
manner  in  which  they  saw  the  French  occupying  their  country. 
But  others  had  been  gained  over  by  that  nation,  a  party  of 
whom  made  a  fruitless  attempt  to  intercept  his  return. 

The   intelligence   obtained   on  this   occasion  convinced    the 


ACTIVITY  OF  WASHINGTON. 

'/  \\\}- 


267 


Washington  and  M,  St.  Pierre. 


governor  that  nothing  but  force  would  enable  Britain  to  main 
tain  her  jurisdiction  over  this  territor)  His  object  was  now  to 
raise  an  adequate  body  of  troops ;  but  the  assembly  of  Vir 
ginia  showed  no  disposition  to  come  forward,  and  were  with 
great  difficulty,  induced  to  vote  10,000/.  Carolina  contributed 
12,000/.  Only  three  companies,  however,  mustered  under 
Washington,  now  colonel,  who  soon  received  the  alarming  in 
telligence,  that  a  party  under  Captain  Trent,  employed  by  the 
Ohio  Company  in  erecting  a  fort  on  the  river,  had  been  obliged 
to  capitulate,  obtaining  only  liberty  to  retire.  The  French  had 
also  anticipated  their  rivals  by  commencing  a  fort  at  the  junc 
tion  of  the  Ohio  Forks,  which  they  named  Du  Quesne-,  after 
their  governor-general. 

Washington  now  urgently  called  on  the  different  states  to 
contribute  to  the  common  defence,  pointing  out  the  necessity 


268  GENERAL  AFFAIRS  OF  THE  COLONIES. 

of  strong  reinforcements  ;  and,  meantime,  his  enterprising  spirit 
impelled  him  to  push  forward,  even  with  his  small  numbers, 
hoping  at  least  to  pave  the  way  for  a  larger  force.  On  ap 
proaching,  he  was  informed  that  a  French  detachment  of  fifty 
men  were  marching  towards  him  with  apparently  hostile  inten 
tions,  who  soon  afterwards  encamped  at  a  small  distance.  Ad 
vancing  with  some  chosen  troops  and  a  party  of  Indians,  he 
attacked  them  by  surprise,  and  speedily  defeated  them.  Jumon- 
ville,  the  commander,  and  ten  of  his  men,  were  killed,  while 
twenty-two  were  wounded.  A  loud  ckmour  was  raised  on  this 
occasion  by  the  French,  who  declared  that  their  officer  was 
merely  the  bearer  of  a  summons,  and  that  his  death  was  an  act 
of  positive  assassination.  Washington  never  deigned  to  reply 
to  this  charge  ;  but  his  friends  have  observed,  that  the  great 
numbers  of  the  French,  and  their  mode  of  approaching,  did  not 
at  all  accord  with  the  representation  of  their  being  political 
envoys,  but,  coupled  with  the  previous  violence,  gave  every 
ground  to  believe  that  they  intended  to  make  good  their  preten 
sions  by  force. 

Three  additional  companies  had  been  placed  under  Colonel 
Fry,  who  was  advancing  to  take  the  command,  but  died  sud 
denly  on  the  way.  They  were  then  forwarded  to  Washing 
ton,  whose  force  they  did  not  augment  to  more  than  four 
hundred.  But  even  with  this  small  body  he  advanced  upon 
Fort  Du  Quesne,  when  intelligence  arrived  that  an  army  of 
eighteen  hundred  Frencli  and  four  hundred  Indians  were  pre 
paring  to  attack  him.  He  had  now  no  choice  but  to  fall  back 
to  a  spot  called  the  Great  Meadows,  where  he  began  to  erect  a 
fort  named,  from  the  circumstances,  Necessity.  The  ditch,  how 
ever,  was  not  completed,  when,  on  the  3d  July,  M.  de  Villiers 
•arrived  with  nearly  one  thousand  men,  and  commenced  an  attack 
which  continued  from  eleven  in  the  morning  till  eight  in  the 
evening,  without  any  decisive  result.  The  French  commander 
then  sent  proposals  for  a  capitulation  :  they  were  rejected ;  but 
during  the  night  terms  were  agreed  upon,  which,  under  the  try- 


COLON  1 A L  COX V  ENTIOX. 

ing  circumstances  of  the  besieged,  were  considered  honourable. 
The  British  were  allowed  to  inarch  out  with  all  the  honours  of 
war,  retaining  their  baggage,  and  everything  except  their  artil 
lery  ;  being  also  assured  of  a  safe  retreat  into  the  low  country. 
The  conduct  of  the  campaign  was  on  the  whole  highly  ap 
proved,  and  a  vote  of  thanks  passed  by  the  House  of  Burgesses 
to  Colonel  Washington  and  his  officers. 

By  this  time  the  colonists  began  seriously  to  feel  the  ab 
sence  of  some  general  co-operation  against  this  formidable 
enemy.  Those  who  stood  most  immediately  exposed  to  attack, 
complained  that  upon  them  alone  was  thrown  the  whole  burden 
of  repelling  it ;  and  the  government  at  home  were  at  length  in 
duced  to  recommend  a  convention  of  delegates  being  held  at 
Albany,  to  concert  with  each  other,  and  with  the  chiefs  of  the 
Six  Nations,  a  plan  of  united  defence.  The  New  England 
states,  Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  and  New  York,  complied  with 
the  advice,  and  appointed  deputies,  who  assembled  in  June, 
1754 ;  when  the  lead  wras  taken  by  Benjamin  Franklin,  who 
ranked  already  as  one  of  the  most  intelligent  and  distinguished 
citizens  of  America.  Rising  from  an  humble  station,  he  had 
acquired  a  paramount  influence  in  his  own  state  of  Pennsylvania, 
and  been  appointed  postmaster-general  for  the  colonies.  He  soon 
submitted  to  his  colleagues  a  very  bold  and  important  project.  A 
general  government,  consisting  of  a  president  appointed  by  the 
crown,  and  of  a  council  of  representatives  from  the  respective 
colonies,  were  to  be  invested  with  the  general  direction  of  war, 
peace,  treaties,  and  transactions  with  the  Indians.  They  were 
to  have  the  power  of  imposing  such  taxes  as  might  be  deemed 
necessary  for  these  purposes ;  and  their  acts,  if  not  disallowed 
by  the  king  within  three  years,  were  to  acquire  the  force  of 
law.  They  might  also  levy  troops,  the  commanding  officer  be 
ing  appointed  by  the  president,  subject  to  the  approbation  of  the 
council.  For  this  scheme  Franklin  gained  the  approbation  of 
all  the  delegates,  except  those  from  Connecticut ;  but  -when 
submitted  to  the  respective  governments,  it  met  a  very  different 
23* 


270  GENERAL  AFFAIRS  OF  THE  COLONIES. 


Benjamin  Franklin. 


fate.  They  all  considered  these  powers,  especially  that  of 
taxation,  as  far  too  great  to  be  placed  in  the  hands  of  a  body 
over  whom  each  had  so  little  control.  Its  reception  was 
equally  unfavourable  in  the  British  cabinet,  who  viewed  it, 
not  without  reason,  as  an  arrangement  rendering  America  al 
most  entirely  independent.  Thus  the  plan,  recommended  as  it 
was  by  such  high  authority,  proved  wholly  abortive;  though 
perhaps  it  had  some  small  influence  in  paving  the  way  for  a 
similar  union,  which  future  emergencies  induced  the  colonies  to 
form . 

The  British  ministry  were,  however,  determined  to  support 
their  cause  with  the  utmost  vigour.  Warm  remonstrances  were 
made  to  the  court  of  France,  which  lavished  in  return  pacific 


DEFEAT  OF  BRADDOCK.  271 

professions  and  even  promises;  but  they  were  directly  contra 
dicted  by  actions,  which  left  no  doubt  of  a  firm  determination  to 
maintain  her  lofty  pretensions.  It  was  resolved,  therefore,  to 
employ  force  in  driving  the  French  from  their  present  advanced 
position  ;  and  in  the  beginning  of  1755,  General  Braddock,  with 
two  regiments,  was  despatched  from  Ireland  to  co-operate  with 
the  Virginian  forces  in  obtaining  the  command  of  the  Ohio.  His 
arrival  excited  enthusiastic  hopes,  and  at  Alexandria  he  met  the 
governors  of  five  colonies  assembled  to  concert  the  general  plan 
of  a  campaign.  Washington  had  quitted  the  army  on  account 
of  a  regulation  by  which  the  colonial  officers  were  made  to  rank 
under  those  of  the  regular  army ;  but,  at  the  solicitation  of 
Braddock,  he  consented  to  act  as  his  aide-de-camp,  in  the  charac 
ter  of  a  volunteer.  Yet  their  movements  were  almost  arrested 
by  the  failure  of  the  Virginian  contractors  to  furnish  the  wagons 
necessary  for  transporting  the  baggage  and  artillery.  In  this 
emergency,  Franklin,  by  great  exertions,  and  by  influence  with 
the  farmers  of  Pennsylvania,  succeeded  in  procuring  these  sup 
plies  ;  but  before  they  could  be  transported  across  the  rugged 
Allegheny,  a  long  time  would  necessarily  elapse,  during  which 
the  enemy  might  strengthen  Du  Quesne  and  reinforce  the  gar 
rison.  At  the  earnest  entreaty  of  Washington,  it  wras  therefore 
determined  to  press  forward  with  twelve  hundred  well-appointed 
men,  and  that  Colonel  Dunbar,  with  the  heavy  artillery  and  bag 
gage,  should  remain  behind.  Washington,  however,  wras  dismay 
ed  to  find  that  Braddock,  though  a  brave  and  experienced  officer, 
was  wedded  to  the  forms  of  regular  European  warfare.  Instead 
of  causing  his  troops  to  push  briskly  across  the  intervening  ob 
stacles,  he  employed  them  in  levelling  every  hillock,  and  thro\v- 
ing  bridges  over  every  brook.  Again,  though  advised  to  accept 
the  offered  aid  of  some  Indians,  at  least  for  scouring  the  woods 
and  guarding  against  surprise,  he  despised  such  auxiliaries,  and 
treated  them  so  coldly  that  they  quickly  dropped  off.  Wash 
ington,  being  unfortunately  seized  with  a  violent  illness,  was  un 
able  by  his  utmost  efforts  to  keep  up  with  the  army,  but  rejoined 


272  GENERAL  AFFAIRS  OF  THE  COLONIES. 

it  on  the  evening  of  the  8th  July,  within  fifteen  miles  of  Fort 
Du  Quesne,  against  which  this  laborious  movement  was  directed. 
The  garrison  was  understood  to  be  small,  and  quite  inadequate 
to  resist  the  great  force  now  brought  to  bear  upon  it ;  exulting 
hope  filled  every  heart ;  and  no  one  doubted  to  see  the  British 
flag  waving  next  day  over  the  battlements,  and  the  enemy  root 
ed  out  from  all  Western  America.  The  march  next  morning  is 
described  as  a  splendid  spectacle ;  being  made  in  full  military 
array,  with  a  majestic  river  on  one  hand,  and  deep  woods  on  the 
other.  Not  an  enemy  appeared,  and  the  most  profound  silence 
reigned  over  this  wild  territory.  They  proceeded,  forded  the 
stream,  and  were  passing  a  rough  tract  covered  with  wood, 
which  led  direct  to  the  fort,  when  suddenly  a  destructive  fire 
was  poured  in  upon  the  front,  while  another  rapidly  followed  on 
the  right  flank.  The  assault  was  continued  by  an  enemy  who 
remained  invisible,  closely  hidden  behind  trees  and  ravines.  The 
vanguard  fell  back  in  a  confusion  which  soon  became  general. 
Their  only  hope  would  now  have  been  to  quit  their  ranks,  rush 
behind  the  bushes,  and  fight  man  to  man  with  their  assailants ; 
but  Braddock  insisted  on  forming  them  into  platoons  and  columns, 
in  order  to  make  regular  discharges,  which  struck  only  the  trees. 
After  some  time  spent  in  these  fruitless  efforts,  with  the  hidden 
fire  still  unabated,  a  general  flight  ensued,  that  of  the  regulars 
being  the  most  precipitate  and  shameful,  while  the  only  stand 
was  made  by  the  Virginian  militia.  The  officers  in  general  re 
mained  on  the  field  while  there  seemed  any  hope  of  rallying 
their  troops,  and,  consequently,  out  of  eighty-six  engaged,  sixty- 
three  were  killed  or  wounded  ;  the  commander  himself  mortally. 
Of  the  privates,  seven  hundred  and  fourteen  fell;  the  rout  was 
complete,  and  the  more  disgraceful,  in  that  it  was  before  an  in 
ferior  enemy,  \vhose  number  did  not  exceed  eight  hundred  and 
fifty,  of  whom  only  two  hundred  and  fifty  were  Europeans. 
During  this  disastrous  day,  Washington  displayed  an  admirable 
courage  and  coolness.  After  the  fall  of  so  many  officers,  he 
alone  remained  to  convey  orders,  and  was  seen  galloping  in  every 


EXPEDITION  AGAINST  CROWN  POINT.  273 

direction  across  the  field,  amid  the  thickest  fire ;  yet,  by  a  dis 
pensation  which  seemed  providential,  though  four  balls  passed 
through  his  clothes,  and  two  horses  were  killed  under  him,  he 
escaped  unhurt ;  and,  very  contrary  to  his  wish,  this  melancholy 
disaster  greatly  elevated  his  reputation.  The  remnant  of  the 
army  retreated  precipitately  into  the  low  country,  whither  the 
French  considered  themselves  too  weak  to  pursue  them. 

Meantime,  a  militia  force  of  about  five  thousand  men  was  as 
sembled  at  Albany,  for  an  expedition  against  the  important  fort 
ress  of  Crown  Point,  on  the  borders  of  Canada.  The  com 
mander  was  William  Johnson,  an  Irishman,  who  had  risen  from 
the  ranks,  and  whose  uncommon  bodily  strength,  with  a  rude 
energy  of  character,  had  enabled  him  to  acquire  a  greater  influ 
ence  over  the  Indian  tribes  than  any  other  British  officer.  Hav 
ing  reached  the  southern  extremity  of.Lake  George,  and  learned 
that  the  enemy  were  erecting  an  additional  fort  at  Ticonderoga, 
he  resolved  to  push  forward,  hoping  to  reduce  it  before  the 
works  were  completed.  Intelligence,  however,  was  soon  re 
ceived,  which  obliged  him  to  stand  on  the  defensive.  Baron 
Dieskau,  an  able  commander,  had  carried  out  from  France  a 
large  reinforcement,  and  having  added  to  them  a  considerable 
body  of  Indians,  was  advancing  to  attack  the  British  settle 
ments.  .  He  at  first  proceeded  towards  Oswego,  but  on  learning 
the  advance  of  Johnson,  hastened  to  direct  his  operations  against 
him.  The  latter  had  fortified  his  camp,  but,  through  defective 
information,  sent  forward  an  advanced  party  of  one  thousand 
men,  who  at  the  distance  of  about  three  miles  unexpectedly  met 
the  enemy,  and  were  driven  back  with  great  loss.  Dieskau  then 
marched  forward  to  assault  the  main  camp,  which  he  seemed  to 
have  a  fair  prospect  of  carrying ;  but  Johnson  received  him  with 
the  utmost  firmness,  and,  opening  a  brisk  fire,  caused  the  Indians 
and  militia  to  fall  back.  The  French  regulars  maintained  the 
contest  several  hours  with  great  vigour,  and  the  British  general 
was  even  obliged  by  a  severe  wound  to  leave  the  command  to 
Lyman,  his  second.  The  final  result,  however,  was,  that  the 


274  GENERAL  AFFAIRS  OF  THE  COLONIES. 

assailants  were  completely  repulsed,  with  the  loss  of  nearly  one 
thousand  men.  Dieskau  himself  was  mortally  wounded  and 
made  prisoner  ;  and  his  retreating  forces,  being  suddenly  assailed 
by  a  small  detachment  from  New  York,  abandoned  their  bag 
gage,  and  took  to  flight.  It  was  thought  by  many,  that  if 
Johnson  had  followed  up  his  victory  by  an  attack  on  Crown 
Point,  or  at, least  on  Ticonderoga,  he  would  have  succeeded  ; 
but  he  did  not  choose  to  hazard  the  laurels  already  gained. 

It  may  be  mentioned  also  that  in  this  busy  campaign,  Shirley, 
the  governor  of  Massachusetts,  led  an  expedition  against  Nia 
gara  ;  but  the  difficulties  of  the  march,  and  the  discouragement 
spread  by  the  tidings  of  Braddock's  defeat,  prevented  his  en 
gaging  in  any  undertaking.  It  would  seem,  indeed,  that  the 
British  forces  were  scattered  in  too  many  quarters,  instead  of 
concentrating  themselves  in  one  united  effort  against  some  im 
portant  position  or  commanding  stronghold. 

The  war  which  had  thus  for  some  time  been  covertly  waged 
between  the  two  nations,  was,  in  1756,  openly  declared  ;  and 
increased  exertions  were  made  on  both  sides.  In  a  council  of 
governors  held  at  New  York,  three  expeditions  were  planned,  in 
which  twenty-one  thousand  men  were  to  be  employed.  Aber- 
crombie  and  Lord  Loudon,  however,  who  successively  went  out 
as  commanders-in-chief,  did  not  possess  the  requisite '  energy  ; 
and  discontents  arose  among  the  provincial  officers,  from  being 
compelled  to  take  rank  under  the  regulars.  The  French  force, 
meantime,  was  united  under  Montcalm,  an  officer  of  high  spirit ; 
and  while  the  British  were  deliberating,  he  hastened  against  the 
two  forts  at  Oswego,  which,  as  they  protected  Lake  Ontario, 
formed  their  principal  bulwark  in  that  quarter.  On  the  10th  of 
August  he  began  the  siege  of  the  first,  which  was  soon  evacuated 
by  its  defenders,  owing  to  the  failure  of  their  ammunition ;  and 
he  then  assailed  the  other  with  such  vigour,  that  it  surrendered 
on  the  14th,  Colonel  Mercer,  the  commander,  having  been  killed 
in  the  attack.  The  garrison,  amounting  to  fourteen  hundred, 
became  prisoners  of  war,  while  one  hundred  and  twenty-one 


FORT  WILLIAM  HENRY  TAKEN.  275 


Massacre  at  Fort  William  Henry. 

pieces  of  cannon,  with  a  quantity  of  stores,  sloops,  and  boats,  fell 
into  his  hands.  In  the  following  year,  he  marched  against  Fort 
William  Henry,  on  Lake  George,  commenced  the  siege  in  the 
beginning  of  August,  and  compelled  it,  in  six  days,  to  surrender. 
The  defenders  stipulated  to  march  out  with  the  honours  of  war, 
and  rejoin  their  countrymen ;  but  these  terms  were  completely 
violated  by  the  Indians,  who  barbarously  massacred  a  great 
number  of  them.  Montcalm's  friends  have  studiously  defended 
him  against  any  charge,  even  of  neglect,  on  this  dreadful  occa 
sion  ;  but  blame  was  attached,  at  the  time,  both  to  him  and  his 
officers,  and  there  was  accordingly  kindled  throughout  the  colo 
nies  a  deep  thirst  for  vengeance. 

Hitherto,  this  war  had  been  an  almost  continued  series  of  dis 
aster  and  disgrace  ;  and  in  Europe  similar  results  were  seen  to 
follow  the  feeble  measures  of  the  cabinet.  But  the  spirit  of  the 
nation,  being  now  roused,  forced  into  power  William  Pitt,  per 
haps  the  most  energetic  war-minister  who  has  ever  swayed  the 
British  councils.  Adverse  to  military  operations  in  Germany,  he 
turned  his  main  attention  to  the  North  American  colonies,  and 


276  GENERAL  AFFAIRS  OF  THE  COLONIES. 


William  Pitt. 


by  vigorously  announcing  his  resolution,  drew  forth  from  them 
selves  strenuous  exertions.  Lord  Loudon  was  superseded  by 
j^mherst,  a  more  able  commander ;  while  the  most  active  part 
was  assigned  to  Wolfe,  a  young  officer,  in  whom  the  discerning 
eye  of  Pitt  discovered  a  rising  military  genius.  It  being  deter 
mined  to  strike  the  first  blow  against  Louisburg,  considered  the 
centre  of  French  power  in  that  quarter,  an  expedition  sailed 
against  it  in  May,  1758,  and  by  the  end  of  July,  chiefly  through 
his  exertions,  it  was  compelled  to  surrender.  This  success  was 
followed  up  next  year  by  a  more  formidable  attempt,  under  the 
same  commander,  against  Quebec,  capital  of  New  France.  On 
the  13th  September,  1759,  a  splendid  victory,  dearly  purchased 


QUEBEC  TAKEN. 


277 


Death  of  General  Wolfe. 


indeed  by  the  death  of  that  gallant  officer,  placed  the  city  in  the 
undisputed  possession  of  Britain. 

After  this  triumph,  France  could  with  difficulty  maintain  her 
posts  in  the  interior.  In  1758,  General  Abercrombie,  with  six 
teen  thousand  regulars  and  provincials,  marched  against  Crown 
Point  and  Ticonderoga.  The  first  skirmish  was  marked  by  the 
fall  of  Lord  Howe,  a  young  officer  of  high  promise,  and  much 
beloved  in  America.  The  commander,  having  soon  after  made 
a  premature  assault  on  the  last-mentioned  fort,  was  repulsed 
with  considerable  loss,  when  he  raised  the  siege  and  precipi- 
24 


278  GENERAL  AFFAIRS  OF  THE  COLONIES. 

lately  retreated.  Colonel  Bradstreet,  however,  at  the  head  of 
a  detachment,  captured  Fort  Frontignac,  a  post  of  some  conse 
quence  on  Lake  Ontario. 

Meantime  the  Virginians,  notwithstanding  their  most  earnest 
wishes,  had  in  vain  attempted  to  renew  the  expedition  against 
Fort  Du  Quesne ;  having  placed  under  the  command  of  Wash 
ington  a  force  barely  sufficient  to  check  the  incursions  of  the 
French  and  Indians.  In  1758,  however,  under  the  auspices  of 
Pitt,  General  Forbes  arrived  with  a  body  of  troops,  which  the 
provincials  soon  raised  to.  six  thousand  ;  but,  contrary  to  the 
urgent  advice  of  the  American,  instead  of  pushing  on  by  a 
track  already  formed,  he  undertook  to  cut  a  new  one  through 
forests  almost  impracticable.  He  accordingly  failed  to  reach 
the  scene  of  action  till  November,  when  the  season  was  too 
late  for  active  operations,  and  the  provisions  were  nearly  ex 
hausted.  A  party  under  Major  Grant,  having  rashly  advanced, 
were  defeated  with  great  loss.  The  situation  of  the  army  ap 
peared  very  serious,  when  news  arrived  that  the  garrison,  re 
duced  to  five  hundred,  and  discouraged  probably  by  the  fall  of 
Louisburg  and  the  dangers  menacing  Canada,  had  set  fire  to 
the  fort,  and  retreated  in  boats  down  the  river.  The  Indians, 
who  had  already  abandoned  their  cause,  readily  entered  into 
terms  \vith  the  British,  and  tranquillity  was  established  along 
the  whole  line  of  the  back  settlements. 

In  1759,  General  Amherst,  co-operating  with  Wolfe,  marched 
against  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point,  which  were  evacuated 
on  his  approach.  Prideaux,  meantime,  writh  a  strong  detach 
ment,  advanced  and  laid  siege  to  Niagara.  He  was  accident 
ally  killed  ;  but  Sir  William  Johnson,  his  successor,  pushing 
operations  with  increased  vigour,  completely  defeated  a  large 
force  which  had  been  collected  against  him,  and  finally  obliged 
the  garrison  to  surrender  prisoners  of  war.  Amherst  could  not 
open  a  communication  with  Quebec,  which  was  in  great  danger 
of  being  retaken  during  the  winter ;  but  it  was  saved  by  the 
good  conduct  of  General  Murray.  Next  summer,  that  officer 


RAPID  GROWTH  OF  THE  COLONIES.  279 

from  Quebec,  ami  General  Amherst  from  Niagara,  made  a  com 
bined  march  upon  Montreal,  which  the  Marquis  de  Vaudreuii 
still  attempted  to  maintain  ;  but  he  was  obliged,  on  the  8th 
September,  1760,  to  sign  a  capitulation  for  the  city  as  well  as 
for  the  whole  of  Canada.  By  the  peace  of  Paris,  France 
ceded  it  and  all  the  adjacent  countries.  Spain  was  also  obliged 
to  yield  Florida ;  and  Britain  acquired  a  vast,  compact,  and 
flourishing  empire,  reaching  from  the  arctic  zone  to  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico. 

It  would  have  been  satisfactory,  could  we  have  added  a  par 
ticular  view  of  the  progress  made  during  this  period  by  the 
colonies,  in  population,  industry,  and  wealth.  Their  advance 
was  certainly  most  rapid  ;  yet  the  details  are  scanty,  and  in 
many  cases  doubtful.  They  were  favoured  by  a  combination 
of  circumstances  almost  unprecedented.  An  industrious  race, 
skilled  in  agriculture,  were  transported  to  a  country  where  land 
to  any  extent  could  be  easily  obtained.  The  abundance  of  the 
necessaries  of  life  thus  produced,  removed  all  check  to  marriage 
and  the  rearing  of  children ;  while  the  same  circumstances  in 
vited  a  continual  influx  of  emigrants  from  Europe.  Hence 
arose  a  rapid  increase  of  population,  of  wrhich  the  modern  world 
at  least  had  never  seen  any  example  ;  doubling,  it  was  supposed, 
in  twenty-five  or  even  twenty  years.  Of  this  a  satisfactory 
proof  was  obtained  from  the  imposing  aspect  under  which  the 
polonies  appeared  at  successive  periods ;  yet,  down  to  the  year 
1790,  no  precise  particulars  were  ever  obtained. 

The  commercial  progress  of  the  colonies  was  very  rapid. 
Their  exports  consisted  almost  exclusively  of  the  rude  produc 
tions  of  land  ;  a  circumstance  most  grateful  to  the  English  peo 
ple,  since  it  naturally  led  to  the  desire  to  take  their  commodities 
in  exchange.  Their  progress  in  agriculture,  by  absorbing  at 
once  their  capital  and  their  labour,  prevented  them  from  making 
any  attempt  to  manufacture  goods  for  themselves ;  while,  by  in 
creasing  their  wealth,  it  induced  them  to  prefer  the  fabrics  of 
Brkain  to  the  rude  home-made  stuffs  with  which  they  had  been 


280  GENERAL  AFFAIRS  OF  THE  COLONIES. 

at  first  contented.  There  was,  however,  a  difficulty  in  finding 
articles,  such  as  the  rich  products  of  the  West  Indies,  which 
would  obtain  a  place  in  the  market  of  Europe.  Silk  and  wine, 
the  early  objects  of  hope  and  pride,  never  succeeded ;  and  though, 
in  1731,  there  were  exported  from  Virginia  three  cwt.  of  the 
farmer,  their  expectations  from  this  source  ultimately  proved 
fallacious.  What  they  vainly  sought,  however,  came  upon  them 
from  unexpected  quarters ;  and  we  have  seen  how  tobacco  forced 
itself  into  the  place  of  a  leading  export.  During  the  present 
period  Virginia  and  Maryland  became  the  chief  sources  whence 
all  Europe  was  supplied.  In  1774  and  the  two  succeeding  years, 
Britain  imported  40,000,000  pounds,  whereof  30,000,000  were 
re-exported.  Rice  also  was  accidentally  introduced  in  the  manner 
already  mentioned ;  and  so  congenial  was  the  swampy  soil  of 
Carolina  to  its  culture,  that  nearly  the  whole  quantity  consumed 
in  Europe  was  raised  in  that  plantation.  The  productions  of 
the  northern  colonies  being  nearly  the  same  with  those  of  Bri 
tain,  met  with  no  demand  from  British  merchants ;  but  the  sur 
plus  of  grain  found  a  market  in  Spain  and  Portugal ;  provisions 
and  timber  were  sent  to  the  West  Indies ;  and  thence  they  ob 
tained  the  means  of  paying  for  British  manufactures.  To  New 
England,  also,  the  fisheries  and  ship-building  were  a  source  of 
ever-increasing  wealth.  In  New  England  alone,  the  value  of  ex 
ports  increased  from  1700  to  1763,  from  86,000/.,  to  2o9,000/.: 
while  in  all  the  colonies,  during  the  same  period,  they  increased 
from  343,000/.  to  1,632,000/. 


THE    END. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 

This  book  is  DUE  on  the  last  date  stamped  below. 
Finej 


OCT  29   194, 


8Jun'52Di" 


N.I 


2lOct'52B|R 
1952  LK  I. 


OCT  141! 


NOV    8195 


REC'D  l_D 
NOV    5 
LIBRARY  USE 

DEC  2  6 1959 

DEC  2 6  1959 

26luV60)C 


LD  21-100m-12,'46(A2012sl6)4120 


YB  20456 


fr  ' 


THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 


